The Hunterian oration...1877

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THE

HUNTEEIAN OEATION

Feb. 13, 1877

Mfbte

LOKDOKl PRDTTSD BT

SPOTTISWOODB AND CO., HBW-STBH1T SQUAB*

AND PARLIAMENT STBZBT

THE

HUNTEEIAN ORATION

DELIVERED IN THE PRESENCE OF

its IJtogal piglnuss % ^xtxat jof Wink*

AT THE

ROYAL COLLEGE OF SURGEONS OF ENGLAND

On the 13th of February 1877

By SIR JAMES PAGET, Babt.

F.R.S., D.G.L. Oxon., LL.D. Cantab.

SERJEANT-SURGEON TO THE QUEEN SURGEON TO THE PRINCE OF WALES

CONSULTING SURGEON TO SAINT BARTHOLOMEW'S HOSPITAL

LONDON

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.

1877

All rights reserved

iLo . c . jLc

•p.

THE

HUNTEEIAN OEATION.

May it please your Boyal Highness :

Mr. President, my Lords, and Gentlemen, —

I do not doubt that I may offer to your Eoyal
Highness the thanks of the whole College of Surgeons
for your presence here to-day. By thus honouring the
memory of John Hunter, you make us more than ever
proud of being the guardians of his great museum and
his reputation ; you make us more than ever anxious for
the promotion of that true scientific surgery of which we
reverence him as the founder. Moreover, we shall
venture to regard your Eoyal Highness's presence as a
sign of your approval of the efforts of the College for the
public welfare, and of your desire to encourage the
sciences on the cultivation of which its reputation and
utility depend. For these, and many more unspoken
reasons, the College, fully represented here to-day, offers
to your Eoyal Highness its grateful and respectful thanks.

When time and the favour of my colleagues in the
Council brought to me the occasion of delivering the

B

2 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

Hunterian oration, I thought it right to study afresh the
character of John Hunter. And now I beg your leave
to tell some of the facts and thoughts to which, in my
study, I have been led — chiefly to tell, if I can, what
were the motives of John Hunter in his scientific life ;
what were the chief characters and what the method of
his work ; to tell, also, some of his achievements, and of
the lessons that may be read in the story of his life.

I hope that I may thus fulfil, however imperfectly,
the design of the founders of the oration, by promoting
the honour of John Hunter and, perhaps, even the pro-
gress of surgery, by showing, in his illustrious example,
the good influence of the scientific mind.

The motive which first urged John Hunter towards
the pursuit of science seems to have been only the neces-
sity of earning his livelihood. For we find him, at first, as
the youngest child of a Scotch laird, idle and negligent of
education. In the first twenty years of his life he appears
to have had no inclination to science or to the arts that
minister to it, or, indeed, to any kind of intellectual pursuit.
We find no tales of early enterprise, no childish love of
nature, no sign of future mental power. When he was
seventeen, he tried to help a brother-in-law, who was a
bankrupt cabinet-maker in Glasgow ; and, probably, if
he had succeeded, cabinet-making might have been the
business of his life. Happily, he failed ; his brother-in-
law was past helping. Then, after two years more of
idleness, what was to be done ?

His brother William Hunter, ten years older than
himself, was prosperous in London, and was becoming

THE HUNTER IAN ORATION 3

distinguished as a teacher of anatomy and surgery ; so he
offered to assist hiin, and if this should fail he would go
into the army. Thus, in mere idleness or necessity,
with no other reason than that there seemed nothing
, else to be done, John Hunter drifted into the opportunity
of scientific study — drifted into the career in which he
was to become great among the greatest men of science,
and among all surgeons of all times the most renowned, 1

It seems strange that a mind so remarkable as John
Hunter's, so robust and self-willed as it proved, should
not have shown or felt its power till, as if by chance, it
was brought to scientific work. He had not lived in
darkness or among dull people : his father was a shrewd
and sensible man ; his mother well educated ; his two
brothers were persons of remarkable mental power. 2
With these, his mind had had opportunities of exercise
and culture ; but he had neglected them as to him useless.
He had lived among the same wonders of the organic world,
the same truths and utilities in nature as moved him, in
his later years, to restless study ; yet he seems to have
given no heed to them. No desire of knowledge was
stirred in him till he was under the influence of scientific
minds.

It may be that his mind only now began to attain the
maturity requisite for a desire of scientific knowledge.
But I think it was rather that now, for the first time,
he found, in the company of his brother, the subjects and
the method of work for which alone his mind was
naturally fitted.

In 1748, when John Hunter came to London, there

1 See Note A. 2 See Note B.

b2

4 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

was great intellectual activity in all the medical sciences,
and William Hunter was in the midst of it. He was an
intimate associate with some of the best minds of the day ;
he was the best lecturer and best anatomical teacher of
that time ; fluent, well-read, devoted to science and art,
an earnest observer, an enthusiastic collector, willing to
spend all that he could earn on his museum and his
means of teaching. William Hunter, indeed, may be
counted as the first great teacher of anatomy in England,
the founder of the first great school, and among the
biologists of his time and country second to none but
his brother.

To be taken from idleness on a Scotch farm to an
activity of life, such as John Hunter found in his brother's
school, was like being born into a new world ; and this
was the very world, if not the only world, in which the
best part of his mind could live and grow. He had a
natural fitness for the study of living things ; for other
things he seems to have had no more desire or capacity
of knowledge than common men have. The germ of this
fitness was, we may believe, born in him, as in both his
brothers ; and when, at length, it found appropriate
conditions of its life, it developed and grew into true
grandeur. But this natural fitness was wholly intellectual ;
there was, at first, no love or desire in it ; and so his
mind had no motive power till it was set to its right
work, and in right working found happiness.

For the happiness of intellect is in its work ; that
of the highest intellect in vigorous self-guided work.
The highest intellect finds that happiness, the desire of
which is its energising motive, not in the mere reception,

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 5

nor wholly in the possession of knowledge, but in the pro-
cess of acquiring it and of using it in thoughtful exercise.

Moreover, to some intellects, and among them many
of those by which the greatest results in science have been
attained, there is but one kind of knowledge which satis- *
fies either in the getting or in the having. To John
Hunter there seems to have been no great intellectual
happiness except in the study of living nature ; and to
this he was now first brought. Hence onward there was
no lack of motives. The mind that had been idle, heed-
less, and aimless had come to its right field of action ;
every form of intellectual exercise and pleasure was
offered to it, and it grew to capacity for all. Gradually
the desire of knowledge, both for its own sake and for the
happiness of gaining it and using it, became like an
insatiable passion, a motive to incessant work.

Now, I believe that in Hunter may be studied an
example of the influence of the simplest and most natural
motive of the scientific life ; namely, the intense desire for
the happiness of knowledge and of intellectual exercise in
watching and working for the truth. It is not mere
curiosity. Curiosity is, indeed, & necessary part of scien-
tific desire ; but it is not the common curiosity which can
be satisfied by hearsay ; which seeks only new things,
careless whether they be true if only they be wonderful
or personal, or whether, if true, they can be wrought
into real or useful knowledge. Hunter is a type of the
true men of science, in that he was always impelled by
desire to attain knowledge by intellectual self-exertion.
And, like an athlete, restless unless in the exercise of his
strength, so he could not rest ; he could not but search,

6 THE HVNTERIAN ORATION.

and watch, and question Nature ; he must compel her to
answer, and then compare and interpret her answers and
penetrate to their inmost meanings. And he could set no
limit to his search. Within the range of the great world
of life he must needs seek, by every method of enquiry,
every kind and degree of knowledge.

With this passion for knowledge of biology another
concurred. Hunter had a passion for collecting. It
may have come through imitation of his brother ; it may
have been a mere yielding to the fashion of the time, as
dominant then as it is now ; but I believe it was natural
— an instinctive love of gathering and keeping ; and it was
vehement in him, and worked together with his desire of
knowledge, each animating and provoking the other.

It cannot be maintained that Hunter's love of collecting
was only consequent on his desire of knowledge. Science
determined its first direction ; and the great desire of his
life was to have a grand museum, with ample and costly
illustrations in catalogues and drawings. He would have
collected, if he could, everything that could show to him-
self and others all the great facts in biology that he could
find. But even this could not satisfy his love of collect-
ing ; for, besides his museum, he collected a crowd of
things that must have been useless even to himself, and
must have helped to make him poor ; pictures of much
cost, engravings, armour, works of art in ivory, bronze,
marble, stuffed birds, and implements of savage warfare.
With all these his house in Earl's Court must have looked
like a curiosity-shop. 1 But if this were a fault it may
easily be pardoned ; no earnest collector ever binds

1 See Note C.

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 7

himself within the limits of science, utility, or prudence.
And if one would justify an extravagant love of collect-
ing, silly as it often is, the example of Hunter might be
urged. It led him to constantly larger ranges of enquiry ;
it was among the motives of his widest and- deepest
studies, and it incited the industry and skill with which
he gathered the great stores of facts which are treasured
iu this College. A century of study has not exhausted
all the truths that are contained in his collections ; and
gathered round them, as if by the attraction of a central
force, is the museum of the College, now more than twice
as large as the Hunterian, and forming with it the very
thing that Hunter longed for — the best anatomical
museum in the world ; the most perfect in order and
condition ; the largest treasury of visible biological facts.

One more motive of Hunter's scientific life must be
told. He was a master in all the arts of anatomy ; very
skilful in dissecting, injecting, and all known methods
of displaying specimens. I suspect that his first success
in life was in his first dissection ; and it is said that he was
so fond of his art that it was among the motives which
led him beyond the study of human anatomy into that of
comparative anatomy, which, till his time, had hardly been
studied in this country. 1

These, I believe, were the special motives of Hunter's
scientific life ; and they deserve study, for his life was
given to science as entirely and as purely as that of any
man.

Doubtless we may discern in him how, sometimes,
other motives added to these their various force. But

1 Noma, Hunterian Oration, 1817, p. 49, and Oitley's Life of Hunter, p. 7.

$ THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

they were casual and wholly subordinate. 1 They were
far outweighed by the always growing power of those
motives of his life which I have described and, chiefly,
by the desire of happiness in intellectual exercise. This
desire increased with indulgence, with contest against
difficulties, with the view of constantly new objects, and
with the encouragement of success. He filled himself
with knowledge, and, through knowledge, became an
ardent lover of nature. I say, through knowledge : for
Nature, in her manifold perfections, inspires many kinds
of love ; and Hunter's was almost wholly intellectual. He
had none of the love that moves the poet, the idealist, or
the theologian : for, in truth, neither poetry, nor idealism,
nor theology ever coloured the simplicity of his scientific
mind. He had the social love of nature ; he was a
warm-hearted man, loved dogs and horses, and sometimes
writes of the living things about him as if they were
companions. But his chief love was for the charms of
truth that He hidden beneath the appearances, the veils,
of nature ; and his love was enhanced when search re-
vealed the utility of all he saw — the perfection of the
adjustment of everything to its use; the evidence of
purpose fulfilled in every change; the evidence of
grandeur in a world of infinitely various forms held
steadfast by few laws.

In all these he found delight and motive for fresh
study; and I cannot doubt that he attained that highest
achievement and satisfaction of the intellect when it can
rest in a loving contemplation of the truth ; loving it not
only because it is right, but because it is beautiful. I

1 See Note D.

^J

^■■■litf

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 9

cannot doubt that in the contemplation of the order and
mutual fitness in a great field of scientific truth there
may be, to some high intellects, a source of pure delight
such as are the sensuous beauties of nature to the culti-
vated artist-mind, or virtue to the enlightened conscience.
I believe that in contemplation such as this Hunter
enjoyed a calm, pure happiness. SoEeynolds, his friend,
seems to tell of him. In that masterpiece of portraiture,
which teaches like a chapter of biography, Hunter is not
shown as the busy anatomist or experimenter pursuing
objective facts ; the chief records of his work are in the
background ; he is at rest and looking out, but as one
who is looking far beyond and away from things visible
into a world of truth and law which can be only intel-
lectually discerned. The clear vision of that world was
his reward. It may be the reward of all who will live
the scientific life with the same devotion and simplicity.

Let me speak now of the chief characters and the
method of Hunter's work, and thus try to indicate the
character of his mind.

That which first and always strikes one is the vast
quantity of work he did. It is told of him by one pupil
that * he rose regularly at the dawn of day, and never
ceased from his labours till the night was far advanced ; '
by others, that he allowed himself only five hours for
sleep; by another, that when he gave him a letter of
introduction he was asked to call at five the next morning,
and found him already at work in his museum.

Such as these were Hunter's habits during at least
the last thirty years of his life ; and it was not in busy

lo THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

idleness that he spent this time. Counted in mere
quantity, very few have left so large results of scientific
labour as he did. Besides the four published volumes of
his works, he left a vast number of manuscripts written
or dictated by himself. He dissected more than 500
species of animals, and of some of these many different
examples. Of these dissections he left descriptions of
more than 300 ; and besides these were all his studies of
human anatomy, and the dissections of hundreds, or even
of thousands, of diseased structures. His museum con-
tained nearly 14,000 specimens, and all these he had
either prepared or at least personally and closely studied.
Nearly the whole of this work was done in thirty years :
during all that time he was active in the practice of
surgery ; and as he grew older he only worked the
more. His latest letters are more than ever full and
urgent to his friends to send him everything from which
he could gather knowledge — not merely things rare or
wonderful, but whatever could be studied, whatever
could yield facts for clearing or enlarging his view of
life. 1

Even his amusements, as he calls them, were what
idle men would call hard work. c I amuse myself,' he
says, * with bees ; ' and the results are told in essays
which one of the best recent writers calls ' almost fault-
less.' 2 They are full of minute observations and of careful
and ingenious experiment and thought ; they show that
habit of his mind in which it always watched small
things, as if they might indicate great laws ; they might
alone have gained for him a good scientific reputation.

1 See Note E. a E. L. Ormerod, Natural History of Wasps, p. 7.

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. u

Or, in evidence of the quantity of work that he would
devote to one investigation, hear what he says of his
observations on the development of the young bird
within the egg. For the purpose of observing it better
than he could, though he made many trials, in the eggs
of chickens, he says : c I kept a flock of geese for more
than fifteen years, and by depriving them of their first
brood in my investigations, they commonly bred again
the same season.' And : ' As hours make a difference
in the first days, it becomes necessary to examine in the
night as well as in the day, by which reason the latter
brood in the summer is best adapted, having then short
nights.' 1

Surely one might suppose that this was the great
work of his life ; this hourly occupation by day and night
for parts of fifteen years. Yet it seems to have been
rather a casual by-the-way pursuit. He became, indeed,
so charmed with the study of the young birds in eggs
that he says : ' It would almost appear that this mode of
propagation was intended for investigation ; ' and yet,
though he attained knowledge far in advance of all before
or with him, he did not publish it, and the extent of his
researches was not nearly known till long after his
death.

The range of Hunter's work matched with its quantity
and the time devoted to it. Never before or since — I
think I am safe in saying this — never before or since has
any man been at one time a thorough student and
investigator in so wide a field of science. He was an
enthusiastic naturalist ; as a comparative anatomist and

1 Essays and Observations, vol. i. p. 200, and Note E.

12 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

physiologist he was quite unrivalled ; among the patho-
logists of his time he was by far the first ; among the
few geologists and students of vegetable physiology he was
one, if not chief; and he was a great practical surgeon,
surgeon to a large hospital, and holding for some years
the largest practice in this town. In all these subjects at
one time, no one but Hunter has ever been eminent and
active.

And it is not only in the range but in the depth and
thoroughness of his scientific work that he is distinguished.
It is not possible now to tell, by any examples, the
thoroughness of his scientific work. Let me say only, that
in the whole range of subjects which I just now indicated
there was not one which he did not study as completely
as was possible ; not one in which he did not enlarge the
area of enquiry far beyond that covered by those before
him. In every department of the sciences of life he made
investigations wholly original ; he observed and recorded
facts past counting ; he discerned in his facts large general
laws.

These notes concerning Hunter's work tell the chief
characters of his mind ; massiveness and grandeur of
design appear in all he did ; and in perfect harmony with
these was the simplicity of his usual method of work. It
was, mainly, the orderly accumulation of facts of every
kind from every source, and the building of them up in
the plainest inductions. If he had been an architect, he
would have built huge pyramids, and every stone would
have borne its own inscription, He knew nothing of logic
or of the science of thought ; he used his natural mental
powers, as with a natural instinct — used them with all his

THE HUNTERJAN ORATION. 13

might, but without art or consciousness of method. I know
no instance more signal than was in him of the living force
there is in facts when they are stored in a thoughtful mind.

But Hunter was not only a great observer ; he was
a very accurate one. Among the masses of facts
recorded by him, it would be hard to find any that are
erroneously observed or stated : when there are errors in
his works they are errors of reasoning, not of observation.

And I note it as an exemplary instance of his accuracy,
that when he tells his general inferences from facts, he
habitually uses words implying that he regarded them as
only probable. A fact he tells without conditions ; when
he generalises, it is commonly with such words as 'I
conceive,' ' I suspect,' ' I am disposed to believe,' or the
like.

I think, too, that no instance can be found in which
he tried to add to the strength of evidence by strong
personal assertion ; as if his opinion were to be taken for
weight in an estimate of probability. Nay, there are very
rarely any expressions implying strong conviction on any
large question in biology, No one, I think, knew better
than Hunter that, in science, strong convictions are not
usually the signs of knowledge. He seems to have always
felt that, in the consideration of general principles, he
had only reached near to the greatest probability attainable
at the time ; that another year or more of investigation
would bring him nearer the truth, and that which now
seemed right would be surpassed or set aside. He used
even thus to tell the pupils at his lectures : ' Don't take
notes of this ; I dare say I shall change it all next year.' 1

1 Similarly in Ottleys Life, p. 49.

H THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

It is another sign of this wise caution that he always
hesitated to publish his knowledge. He worked for
eighteen years before he published anything in his own
name. He was forty-three when he published his first
book, that on the Teeth ; he began to collect the mate-
rials of his great work on the Blood and Inflammation
while he was a student ; some of the experiments recorded
in it were made while he was house-surgeon at St.
George's ; he worked at it for forty years, and began to
print it only just before he died.

And he was as patient as he was cautious. Abernethy,
who knew him well, says : * It is scarcely credible with
what patience Mr. Hunter examined the lower kinds of
animals ; ' and he quotes Mr. Clift as saying, ' that he
would stand for hours, motionless as a statue, except that,
with a pair of forceps in either hand, he was picking
asunder the connecting fibres of some structure ' he was
studying. A very striking picture : for this was in the
last year of Hunter's life ; he was growing old ; he had
lately been very ill, and he knew that h$ was in instant
peril of that sudden death in which, at last, he fell ; he
was poor, for all that he could earn, and more, he needed
for his collection ; and he was overworked in practice
and in the duties of Surgeon-General to the Army. Yet
4 he would stand for hours, motionless as a statue ; '
patient and watchful as a prophet, as if he were sure that
the truth would come, whether in the gradual unveiling
of new forms, or in the clearing of some mental cloud, or
as in a sudden flash, with which, as in an inspiration, the
intellectual darkness becomes light. 1

1 See Note F.

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 15

*

In all these indications of Hunter's character we may
observe, together with grandeur in design, and a power
and strong will well proportioned to his design, an un-
usual prudence in all the work of observation ; and yet
he was very fond of scientific enterprise and speculation.
The qualities may seem incongruous ; but they are asso-
ciated in the most attractive minds, and may be traced in
Darwin and others of the best of our own time.

Enterprise was shown in his devotion to experiment.
If there were one class of facts which he loved better
than all besides, it was of those which he could thus
obtain. He seems to have had a very keen enjoyment of
that mental state in which is the very spirit of enterprise ;
the state in which the mind waits, watching for the solu-
tion of a problem which itself has made, standing as it
were in the presence of the about-to-be-known.

And, as he was always thinking-out beyond the facts
which he could collect in the normal course of nature,
always projecting his mind beyond his knowledge, so he
made every question that he could the subject of experi-
ment. He used to say to those who seemed content
with thinking about what might be known : ' Don't think :
try ; be patient ; be accurate.' 1

But, where observation and experiment could not
reach, few were bolder in thinking than Hunter was. His
long practice in experiments justified him in this, by
educating him for more distant mental enterprise ; for a
well-devised experiment, such as many of his were,
deserves the name of project, in that the mind, throwing
itself forward in advance of present knowledge, believes

1 Baron's Life of Jenner, voL i. p. 124.

16 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

that the truth must be in one of two or a few more pro-
babilities, and then devises means for ascertaining where it
is ; and a mind which has been strengthened and long
trained in this kind of exercise may sometimes safely
project itself much further, and, going beyond the range
of experiment, may discern a general truth very far in
advance of ascertained facts, or even from a stand-point
of partial error. Hunter could sometimes, with very
striking power and precision, thus think the truth.

Thus, for one example, he thought the truth that the
blood is alive ; not in any supernatural or transcendent
sense, as some before him thought, but in the same sense
as are all other parts of the same living body. In this
sense his discernment of the life of the blood was a real
discovery ; not a guess, or, in the worser sense, a mere
scientific imagination ; for he saw fully the bearings of
the doctrine, and it guided him to some of the first steps
in his true pathology of the blood.

The truth is now proved beyond all doubt : but if we
look to the facts on which Hunter first founded his
decision, they seem insufficient ; and we have to assign
the discovery chiefly to the power of his strong, far-seeing
mind looking out beyond all evidence.

Similarly, in his essay on the development ' of the
chick, he indicates, though from what may be thought
too few facts, that great and marvellous law in develop-
ment, that every higher animal, in its progress from the
embryo to the complete form, passes through a series of
changes, in each of which it resembles the complete form
of some order lower than itself. 1 And this discovery, like

1 Physiological Catalogue by Owen, vol. L p. ii.

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 17

the last, was not a lucky guess, just made and then left.
He saw nearly all its importance. It became a fruitful
doctrine, guiding or confirming him in the assurance
which determined a large portion of his studies, that, in
the whole range of physiology, every lower form of life
should be studied for the simpler and the elemental
instances of the functions performed in the higher.

And I find at least one instance of his projecting his
mind far into the doctrine of evolution, though this time
fruitlessly. In writing on hermaphroditism, which he
studied very carefully, he says, in a foot-note : c Query :
Is there ever, in the genera of animals that are natural
hermaphrodites, a separation of the two parts forming
distinct sexes ? If there is, it may account for the dis-
tinction of sexes ever having happened/ 1

It was natural that one who could thus discern great
truths far off should strive for a decision on that question
in biology which, from the earliest days of scientific
thought, has never ceased to be discussed — the question,
What is life ? Hunter strove for an answer to it, and
his opinion greatly affected his pursuits, and, much more,
for a time, his influence and his reputation in medical
science. He spoke of life as a * vital principle,' a some-
thing separate from organisation ; and, although he spoke
also of a materia vita diffusa, and of a materia vitas coa-
cervata in the brain, yet I cannot doubt that he meant
something that was not material or a mere property of
matter. I believe that he intended by his c vital principle '
that which Joseph Henry Green, the most philosophic
and eloquent of his interpreters, held — * a power anterior

1 Works, vol. iv. p. 36. See also Essays and Observations, vol. i. p. 249.

C

1 8 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

in the order of thought to the organisation which it
animates, sustains, and repairs ; a power originative and
constructive/ 1

But Hunter could not clearly express this and, I
believe, he could not clearly think it. For it cannot be
denied that on this and some allied subjects he wrote
very obscurely — so obscurely and so variously, that when
we have granted all we can for the common difficulty of
finding words for profound thoughts, and all we justly
may for our own defects of apprehension, we cannot but
believe that his mind was not clear upon them. And
this, I believe, we may refer to one of the few intellectual
defects that can be traced in him — namely, the great
inequality of his powers of language and of thought.

In every mind thoughts and words are so interwoven
that each shares always the qualities of the other.
Thoughts and words are like mutual reflectors : if either
of them distorts an object placed between them, the other
cannot but receive the distorted image and reflect it. Or
each is, alternately, master and servant. Now thought
employs words for its expression, and then these same
words take part in directing the next thought. If either
be defective or erroneous the other suffers.

Hunter was a great master of facts, and in plain
and customary English he could with great power collect,
compare, arrange, and construct whatever could be made
from them; but he was not a master of words. His
large, strong mind does not in anything show that subtlety
which, whether in thinking or in writing, can accurately
employ many words of scarcely different meanings — a

1 Hunterian Orcttion, 1848.

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 19

quality which is very necessary for the consideration of
abstract ideas, and in which a defect is a hindrance, not
only to the expression of thoughts, but to the process of
thinking.

Hunter's defect in this respect may have been due, in
part, to his neglect of early education ; but chiefly, I think,
it was natural. In many other things he corrected all
the faults that could be referred to neglected education ;
in language, whether in speaking or writing, he was, to
the last, deficient ; and his thinking power, strong as it
may have been by nature, was hindered and baffled by
its weak associate. 1

Nevertheless, however incomplete his thoughts on the
vital principle may have been, he worked well with it as
an hypothesis. With its help he threw off the fetters of
the erroneous chemical and physical doctrines which, just
before his time, were prevalent in physiology. It led him
to larger and clearer views of the work to which he gave
himself; it was as a single band holding together
all the objects of his study. Moreover, some of his
pupils made the doctrine of a vital principle the chief
ground of his reputation ; and though it was neither a
new doctrine nor essential to the weightiest part of his
teaching, yet it became a chief dogma of his school, and
the discussion of it served usefully, in a time of need, to
keep alive his reputation and the praise of his great
example. 2

But what seems to me, at this point, most instructive in
respect of the character of Hunter is the just estimate
which he made of the relative values of hypotheses and

1 See Note G. 3 See Note H.

o2

2o THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

facts. His hypotheses, whether on the vital principle or
on any other subject, never diminished his zeal for facts.
He stands well that severe test of the strength of a
scientific mind — the test of resistance against subjection to
its own hypotheses. The feebler men worship the works
of their own minds ; they fell down before their own
idols made with words; they feel more sure of what
they call their principles than of plain facts. It was not
so with Hunter. He may have admired the hypothesis
of a vital principle — and he used it wisely — but he much
more admired the observation and right use of facts. He
collected them as with an avarice ; he kept them pure,
in memory and manuscript; compared, arranged, and
read in them, as he could, the laws of life. Herein was
the principal, the best, the most abiding of his works;
hence was his great influence in science.

But in Hunter's mind, careful in observing, bold in
speculating, we have an epitome of the natural course and
temper of biology. It is eminently a science of observa-
tion; and yet none who love to think can study the
phenomena of life without asking themselves, What is
life? and, still beyond this, Whence is life derived?
4 An imperious instinct commands us to look beyond or
beneath the phenomena ; '* we cannot believe that it is im-
possible for us to reach far beyond the evidence of sense ;
and even when beyond the phenomena there are discerned,
as we believe, forces measurable and correlated, still, we
cannot rest here ; for the knowledge of the manner in
which forces act tells nothing of their origin ; and this,
especially in respect of life and mind, is what we earnestly
desire to know. Whence comes the force of life ? Is it

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 21

* a power anterior to the organisation ? ' Is it * a power
originative and constructive ? '

I do not doubt that in a doctrine of vital force as cor-
related with physical forces we are nearer to the truth
than in the doctrine of the Hunterian School, that life is
wholly unlike and alien from other means and methods
of activity. But the holding of the correlation and
mutual conversion of the physical and vital forces does
not determine the precedence of either the one or the
other. If they are mutually convertible, either may have
preceded ; a vital force may have preceded the physical,
though life was manifested very late upon this planet in
any of the phenomena in which we now can study it.

And even if we were to hold the conversion of phy-
sical or vital force into consciousness and will — though
from this what I believe to be my consciousness and my
will are utterly repugnant — yet this would not prove the
precedence of the physical force. The opposite conver-
sion can be as well, or as ill, traced. Therefore, mental
force, self-consciousness, and will, may have preceded
other forms of force ; mind may have existed before any
of the properties of matter ; and thus, even in the view of
science, the first essence may have been a Being willing
and knowing, and this Being may have been the prime
source of all the forces whose operation we now trace.

There is nothing, I believe, in science to disprove such
a belief as this ; but I doubt whether it is within the power
of science alone to determine certainly an order of prece-
dence among forces. I cannot conceive of anything beyond
or before a natural force except a supernatural will ; and
it is a fact to be weighed, that a belief such as this is

as THE HUNTER! AN ORATION.

held by untutored minds, as if it were instinctive know-
ledge. Man seems naturally prone to think that above
all that appears in the world there must be a Mind or
minds, in the image of which his own is made, and with
which he is in some kind of personal relation. But the
proof of these things is not yet reached by science ; and
till it reaches proof, science cannot rest, must not rest.
But the firm and life-guiding belief that a supernatural
Will and Knowledge was, and is, and will be, and the
lessons of our personal relation to It, may rest secure on
the whole and manifold evidences of the Christian faith.
They sometimes are in conflict with what we hold to be
true in science. Then let us wait, and strive that where
there cannot be concord, there may, at least, be truce.
Time or, if not time, eternity will show that science and
Christian theology are two sides of truth, and that both
sides are as yet only known in part.

But I leave this, which may seem a too far digression,
that I may revert to that one part of Hunter's mind which
remained, with little change, from his days of idleness
in the Scotch farm : I mean his unconsciousness of his
mental power.

He could be provoked into saying that he knew
himself to be better than some of those who spoke ill
of him, but he declared that he felt 4 a mere pigmy '
when he looked at the work to be done. Even the
sensitive vexation with which he sometimes spoke of
rivals in surgery is enough to prove that he was un-
conscious of having done work great enough and good
enough to win the highest fame. He appears as one
desiring renown, but doubtful whether he had gained

-1

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 23

or deserved to gain it. As he bears other tests of
mental greatness, so he bears this — the test of self-
unconsciousness. And it was happy for science that it
should be so. For if Hunter had thought of himself as
we think of him, wherein we must hold that he would
only have thought justly, he could scarcely have failed to
become self-enamoured, and he would have lost time in
trying to select work adequate to the grandeur of his
mind, and to set his mind in attitudes attracting a just
homage. And, according to his own judgment, he would
have failed ; for, as he wrote, with even more than usual
disparity of wisdom and of words : ' There never was a
man that wanted to be a great man ever was a great man. 1

And now, what did he achieve ? What influence did
he exercise on the progress of knowledge ?

We have seen that his work was various : so were its
consequences ; and in these we may discern, I think, a
striking illustration of the well-known rule, that, before
great truths can be taught, the minds of a people or of a
society must have attained a certain capacity and desire
to learn, and that the capacity and desire must be,
not general, but with special fitness in the subject of the
new teaching.

Hunter studied living things as well in disease as in
health. In both states he saw the same power and the
same general design, though in diseases often overborne ;
and, in his view, the differences between disease and
health were conditional, not essential. They were to be
studied as closely related parts of one science of life.
But he had too much common sense not to see the broad

24 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

practical differences between health and disease. He
taught them separately, wrote of them separately, and in
the study of his influence and reputation we must make
a similar separation.

Hunter's greatest work was in physiology. Using
that word in its fullest meaning, as the whole science of
the normal life of all things that live or have lived, he
grasped this science with the widest mental grasp. In
his study of comparative anatomy and physiology, which
he may justly be said to have introduced into this country,
he saw and showed the way to the whole study of life ; and
this he did as of his own force. He neither followed others,
nor merely drew a plan on which other men might work;
but with his own mind he planned, and with his own
hand he wrought, a larger and a truer work in the whole
science of living things than any man before him. And
in this work no man succeeded him.

His lesser work, great as it was — greater, I think, than
that of any man before or since — was in pathology ; yet
of this lesser work the direct influence was far greater
than that of his greatest achievements in physiology.

For from among his pupils there went out all the
great English surgeons of the time next after him.
Abernethy, Astley Cooper, Cline, Home, Lynn, Blizard,
these all learned of him, and all were chief teachers
of surgery in chief schools of London : they boasted of
being his pupils, they taught in his method, and it
became a tradition in their schools. Hunter was thus, in
the fullest sense, the founder of a school of surgery. 1
But among all his pupils there was not one who gave

1 See Note I.

t^m

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 25

himself to physiology, not one who studied it as he did, not
one who continued the great works he left unfinished.

And although Hunter was an active and influential
fellow of the Eoyal Society, a friend and companion of
the leaders in science, the founder and patron of a scien-
tific society, 1 in high repute as the chief anatomist and
naturalist of his time, yet in his great work of comparative
anatomy and physiology not one of the younger men of
science imitated him; in the higher sciences he had
not one true disciple.

How may this contrast be explained? Chiefly, I
think, by the difference in the levels of men's minds in
respect of the two subjects. There was as yet in this
country no desire for comparative anatomy or physiology
or any of the deeper objective studies of life There
was as yet no ' taste/ as we say, for these things, for none
but Hunter had yet tasted in them the happiness of
intellectual exercise.

In pathology it was very different. It had never been
more actively studied than in Hunter's time. Practi-
tioners of medicine and surgery were ready and able
to receive his teaching; and though in his lifetime it
hardly excited enthusiasm, yet the best of those who
heard it saw that it showed the right way to knowledge,
and that if their art were to be improved it must be by
work on broader ground than ever before, and by men of
larger higher culture.

In comparative anatomy and physiology Hunter was
in advance of his time. Not far in advance, for Cuvier

1 The Lyceum medtcum Londinense. See Ottley's Lify p. 85, and Cheva-
lier's Hunterian Oration, 1821, p. 78.

26 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

and Meckel quickly followed him ; and then these sciences
became, as they are now, the studies of some of the
largest intellects. And it may well be, that if Hunter
had been more apt to teach he would not have been
without disciples. Some men by personal influence can
make disciples even prematurely. They hasten the un-
ready, attract or compel the unwilling. They are
founders of schools before themselves are quite fit to be
called scholars. Hunter was utterly void of the qualities
by which stich teachers make their schools. He had no
attractions easy to be felt, no power of persuasion in
speech or manner. His lectures were dull, tedious, ill-
delivered. 1 He was so busy in his search for knowledge,
and so cautious in his estimate of it, that he always
delayed to publish what he knew. It was only by the
sheer force of his work and example that he could have
moved men to follow him. These were enough in sur-
gery and medicine, not enough in the deeper physiology.
And thus it was that when he died, poor and with work
half done, there was scarcely one who knew how vast and
various his labours in this field had been ; there was
not one who could complete his unfinished essays or the
catalogues of his collection. The treasures of his
museum and his manuscripts remained unknown for
many years. His works had been like waves in advance
of the on-coming tide. A few that watched them thought
them grand and beautiful ; but they broke on the shore in
what seemed like only trouble and confusion, and the tide
passed over them and hid the treasures they had borne. 2
It was not till Owen came that the treasures were

1 See Note J. 3 See Note K.

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. * 27

recovered and worthily displayed. But by this time others
had done much of the work of Hunter, and had reaped
the just reward. Still it is of historic and personal
interest to see in Owen's catalogues of the physiological
portion of the museum, and more completely in his two
volumes of Hunter's * Essays and Observations,' that Hunter
had done vastly larger work in all the biological sciences
than had appeared in what he published in his lifetime.
That had been enough to prove him first among the
biologists of his day;- these showed more : they showed a
yet wider range of study, and especially that, as Professor
Flower has written, * Hunter had collected materials for a
work which needed but the finishing touches to have
made it one of the greatest, most durable, and valuable
contributions ever made by any one man to the advance-
ment of the science of comparative anatomy.' *

It may seem useless to dwell on these things and
revive the vain regret that, not Hunter alone, but England,
lost such honours; but it is not useless to show the
greatness and true character of the mind by which our
English — I mean, of course, our national — school of
surgery was founded ; for it is only by imitation, however
distant, that the worth and honour of the school can be
maintained.

Hunter's great renown is commonly told by saying
that he was the founder of scientific surgery : and so he
was ; for he first studied and taught, in the light and with
the methods of a large knowledge of physiology, the very
processes of disease and repair with which the practice of
surgery is concerned. There were excellent surgeons

1 Introductory Lecture, Feb. 14, 1870.

38 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

before him and in his own time — sagacious, observant,
practical men, by whose researches surgery was advancing
rapidly in utility and precision. Not to speak of the best
members of the French Academy, there were in Hunter's
time at least three in this country, Cheselden, Percivall
Pott, and Samuel Sharp. Of the first two Hunter was,
for a short time, a pupil ; and they were all practical
surgeons of the highest order, rich in experience, and
teaching their experience in well-expressed rules. It is
great praise of him to say that, as a practical surgeon, he
was worthy to succeed them.

But all the surgery before the time of Hunter was
only that of experience, and, in so far as it was a science
at all, it stood alone. It was scarcely combined with
medicine ; and it was not only a happy saying, but a recent
doctrine which Abernethy expressed when, following
Hunter, he said that medicine and surgery should be, with
the title of the French republic, one and indivisible. To
the sciences beyond medicine, surgery had no affinity at all.
Surgery and physiology were far asunder ; no one strong
mind had ever deeply studied both and become conscious
that both were parts of the same science of living things,
and that each might give light to the other, and each be a
test of the other's truth.

This was Hunter's greatest work in and for surgery.
He brought the scientific method into the study of the
practice, and he welded scientific knowledge with the
lessons of experience. If we compare his works with
those of Percivall Pott, the best of all his predecessors,
the difference is clear. In practical surgery Pott generally
appears more thoroughly instructed, a more 'compleat

THE HUNTER1AN ORATION. * 9

surgeon;' but with the science and the exposition of
principles, Hunter alone deals worthily. 1

And in all this Hunter was not only a thinker ; he was
a great worker. Any physiologist might have shown the
utility of science for the improvement of the art of surgery ;
but, as I said of Hunter's physiological work, so of this —
with his own mind he planned and, as with his own hand,
he did the work. He worked in scientific surgery with all
the mental power, the variety of method, and the con-
centred light that could be gained in the largest study of
biology. He added to the knowledge of his time new facts
and principles in surgery which it is literally impossible to
count or over- value. His books are full of them. 2

To some readers of the surgical works of Hunter this
may seem too high an estimate. Later researches, they
may say, have found them very defective, sometimes
erroneous, often insufficient, and unfit for place in modern
systems. Forty years ago — that is nearly midway between
Hunter's time and this — Mr. Palmer, the excellent editor
of the best edition of the works, tried, by the addition of
copious notes, to bring them into accordance with the
pathology then accepted. We may now see with a kind
of sad amusement that- the notes need nearly as much
amendment as the text ; sometimes even more.

This is inevitable in science. This must be till the
perfection of knowledge is attained. And yet that which
once seemed true, and by men capable of judging was
held to be true, may still command our admiration. For
the body of science is like an organic world in process of
evolution. At every time each living form is, in itself,

1 See Note L. * See Note M.

jo THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

complete, its parts are all in mutual fitness, and it is
adapted to all the conditions in which it has to live. But
every living form is transient ; it passes while some
higher form is being evolved from it, and this lives its
time, and in its turn evolves some form yet higher and
nearer to what we deem perfection.

It is so with the doctrines of science. As we look
back in its history, we see grotesque forms of knowledge
or belief, the extinct creations of observant, thoughtful
men ; and when we see how unfit they are to be asso-
ciated with the forms and conditions of knowledge in our
own time, we are apt to conclude that they were worse
than incomplete ; not merely shortcomings, but errors.
Doubtless many were so ; they were as species decaying
and dying-out ; deflections from the true route of
progress. But many doctrines which now look like
monstrous forms were, in their own time, very good ;
they fitted-in with the whole body of science then existent;
they were as parts of an organic system, complete for its
own time, potent for a better future. To those who pos-
sessed them they were right, even as to ourselves much
of our knowledge is ; though we cannot doubt that, a
century or two hence, many of what now seem complete
truths will be like extinct or monstrous forms, and of our
very words few will remain in science with the same
meanings as they bear now.

And in this is no disparagement of knowledge.
That cannot be despicable which is, for the present, the
best possible, and has in itself capacity for change to a
yet better future. But, similarly, that must not be
despised which, in the past, was good, and though it

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 31

«

fell short of the truth was not wholly erroneous from it.
So, in estimating Hunter's contributions to the truths and
laws of science, we must not scorn all those which have
not borne unchanged the test of time ; it would be as
unreasonable to scorn a noble ancestry.

I have said much of Hunter's scientific surgery ; and
his great renown must rest on it. But I desire to correct
an error into which, I think, some of his eulogists have
fallen, when they have implied that his surgical practice
was always based upon his scientific knowledge, and that
no practice can be good unless it be deduced from
physiology or pathology, or be, at least, consistent with
what is held to be true in them.

Now, as to Hunter — and herein, again, he may
be our model — he was very cautious in deductions. Few,
I think, have known better than he did the danger of
reasoning from physiology into practical surgery. As he
wrote: "The man who judges from general principles
only, shows ignorance; few things are so simple as to
come wholly within a general principle. We should
never reason on general principles only, much less practise
upon them, when we are or can be master of all the
facts ; but, when we have nothing else but the general
principle, then we must take it for our guide.' 1

And his obedience to this wise rule is shown in the
fact, that in many of his writings on surgical practice
there is hardly a sign that he was a great physiologist.
In his ' Treatise on the Venereal Disease ' there is not a
sentence that would plainly tell it ; and even in his great,
and chiefly physiological, work on * Inflammation,' there is

1 Essays and Observations, vol. i. p. 26S.

32 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

no attempt to show that the right practice of surgery can
be deduced from physiology. Even from pathology the
practical deductions are very few. In all his practical
writings we can detect the same scientific mind as was at
work in physiology ; the same care and laborious activity
in collecting facts ; the same quickness and usual accuracy
in generalising ; but the whole effort is to ' be master of
all the facts/ and to learn and teach from them.

For one great example : it was by thus bringing the
force of the scientific mind and method to bear on the
facts of practical surgery, that Hunter achieved his great
invention— that of curing aneurism by tying the artery
far above the diseased part. This was not the result of
any laborious physiological induction; it was mainly
derived from facts very cautiously observed in the wards
and dead-house. I shall not discuss Hunter's right to
the honour of this invention : it is as clear as that of any
discoverer of any fact in science. If any arbitration
be needed between Anel and Desault on the one hand,
and Hunter on the other, or any between France and
England — for the question has been made of national
interest— let the arbitrator be the Italian, Assalini.
He had the singular good fortune to see three decisive
operations. In 1781, he saw Spezzani tie the femoral
artery in the sheath of the triceps muscle, preparatory to
an intended amputation for a popliteal aneurism. In
June 1785, he saw Desault, in Paris, tie the popliteal
artery above a popliteal aneurism, which he did not lay
open. In December of the same year he saw Hunter, at
St. George's Hospital, for the same disease, tie the femoral
artery in the canal of the triceps, and this operation, he

THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. 33

says, c excited the greatest wonder, and awakened the
attention of all the surgeons of Europe.' *

It was really a splendid achievement, and its utility is
not half told by counting the thousands of lives that it
has saved. Its higher value is that it still abides as a
great testimony of the power of the scientific mind in
surgery. I think it has done more than any other of
Hunter's works to make not only surgery but surgeons
scientific. 2 And herein is his greatest influence ; for
never in this country, since his time, has the study and
teaching of practical surgery been divorced from the
science of biology. The scientific spirit has never failed.
It has been variously prevalent in different men and at
different schools : but it has never failed ; and even the
most practical parts of surgery are now studied with such
scientific method and completeness as before Hunter's
time were never thought of.

We have still our distinctions of practical and scientific
surgery, of the art and the science. And though the
differences between them diminish every year, yet they
will remain ; and it is well they should do so, for they are
suited to men of different tempers, tastes, or opportunities.
Yes ; both will remain, though Fergusson is gone : the
greatest master of the art, the greatest practical surgeon
of our time; and men can no longer watch the eyes
that were so keen, or try to imitate the hands that were
so strong and yet so sensitive and swift and light ; or
wonder at the ready and clear knowledge, the prompt
invention, the perfect calmness in the midst of danger.

1 Assftlini, Manuale di Chirurg%a 9 Parte Prima, p. 89. s See Note N.

D

34 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

These all are gone, and with them all that multiplied
tenfold their charm — the warm heart, the friendliness,
the generous rivalry, the social grace. These, too, are
gone ; but the memory of his lessons will remain with us ;
and, practical as he was, Fergusson would have taught
that every surgeon should have, according to his ability,
both art and science, and should work at both, as with
two hands. Either science or art alone can do many
things ; even a one-handed man is far from helpless ;
but the two hands are better ; and they should work
together in harmony, with mutual help ; for the best
work can be done only when the power and skill of
science and art are combined as with one thought and
one design. It was thus that Hunter wrought in sur-
gery.

And mark, now, what he did for surgeons. Before
his time they held a subordinate place in the medical pro-
fession. A few, with rare ability, had held good rank — as
Wiseman, Cheselden, Hawkins, and Pott — but generally
they were inferior to the physicians. And justly so ; for
the physicians had not only better knowledge of their
proper calling, but a far larger number of them were
men of higher culture, well-educated gentlemen, and
the associates of gentlemen. Besides, they were the
chief teachers of all the medical sciences* the teachers
even of anatomy to the surgeons. After the time
of Hunter we may trace a well-marked change.
Physicians worthily maintained their rank, as they do
now ; but surgeons rose to it, and in the lessens of Hunter
surgery gratefully repaid medicine for the teachings of a
century. Following Hunter in the pursuit of science,

THE HUNTER1AN ORATION. 35

surgeons soon became the chief anatomists, equal as
physiologists and pathologists, and they gained entrance
into the ranks of the most educated class. Yes ; Hunter
did more than anyone to make us gentlemen. And the
lesson of this fact is plain and emphatic, for it was not
by force of social skill, by money, or any external
advantage that he did this. From the few records that
we have of him it is clear that he was a rough and
simple-mannered man, abrupt and plain in speech, warm-
hearted and sometimes rashly generous, emotional and
impetuous, quickly moved to tears of sympathy, quickly
ablaze with anger and fierce words, never personally
attractive, or seeming to have great mental powers, and
always far too busy to think of influencing those around
him. He had few friends, he gained the personal regard
of very few, and no one paid him the homage of mimicry. 1
The vast influence which he exercised on surgery and
surgeons was the influence of the scientific mind. What
follows ? Surely, that if we desire to maintain the rank
of gentlemen, to hold this highest prize of our profession,
we must do so by the highest scientific culture to which
we can attain. And to this we are bound, not for our
own advancement alone, but by every motive of the
plainest duty.

These are some of the grounds on which, beyond all
dispute, John Hunter's memory deserves the honour that
we pay to it to-day. And these are not nearly all ; in
want of time I have omitted many, in want of just
appreciation more ; and whatever one might now tell,
one could not estimate his claim to future honour. The

1 See Note O.
d2

3 6 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION,

influence of such men as Hunter reaches far beyond the
time and space of their conscious activity ; their true
thoughts live after them. Their true thoughts not only
endure and remain : in the continuity of mental life they
really live ; they pass on from one generation to another,
and in the minds of each succeeding generation they are
developed, they grow, they attain more nearly to perfec-
tion.

Thus, when we honour the memory of Hunter, we
honour not only that which is past, but that which is still
present ; a still abiding power doing good. For Hunter's
true thoughts still live in us, and they will live after us,
and never cease to help and urge men onward in the
pursuit of truth. In the world of mind he that is mortal
may produce that which may be immortal.

^^^^»*»*«

NOTES.

In studying the life of Hunter I found or thought of many
things which could not be well used in the Oration, but may be
worth printing, whether for amendment of some of its defects
or for subjects for the thoughts of others. I have therefore
- arranged them in the following notes : —

Note A 9 to p. 3.

I have not found evidence of an observation in any kind of
science made by Hunter before he came to London. Sir Everard
Home says l that he came in 1748, when he was twenty years old,
and this agrees with the times assigned for his beginning to study
under Cheselden and Pott. In an article in the European
Magazine in 1782, the materials for which, the editor told Mr.
Abernethy, 2 were supplied by Hunter himself, it is said that he
was eighteen when he came to town.

The best life of Hunter, by very far, is that by Drewry
Ottley, prefixed to Palmer's edition of his works (Vol. I., 8vo.
1 88,), I have taken from it the following calendar of the chief
j events of his life : —

i 1728. Born.

1748. Came to London.

1749-50. Studied at Chelsea Hospital, under Cheselden.

1751. Studied at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, under Pott and others.

1752. In Scotland.

1754. Studied at St. George's Hospital.

1 Life, in the 4to. edition of the Treatise on the Bloody p. xv.
8 Physiological Lectures y S\o. 1822, Ed. ii. p. 201. The article is reprinted
as an Appendix, p. 341.

38 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

1756. House Surgeon there.

„ Became partner with his brother in the anatomical school.
1759. Threatened with consumption and obtained Staff- Surgeoncy in
the Army.

1761. Served at the siege of Belleisle.

1762. Served in Portugal.

1763. Began to practise as a surgeon in London, and to lecture on

anatomy and operative surgery.

1767. Elected F.R.S.

1768. Elected Surgeon to St. George's.

1770. Jenner beoame.his house-pupil.

1771. Published his work on the Teeth.

1772. Married Miss Home.

1773. First attack of angina.

1774. Began lectures on the * Principles of Surgery.'
1776. Appointed Surgeon-Extraordinary to the King.

1783. Elected a member of the Royal Society of Medicine and Royal
Academy of Surgery of Paris.
„ Began to build his Museum in Leicester Square ; completed in
1785.

1785. Performed his operation for aneurism.

1786. Appointed Deputy-Surgeon-General to the Army.

„ Published his work on the Venereal Disease, and his work on the

Animal Economy.
„ Received the Copley Medal of the Royal Society.
„ Opened his Museum.
1789. Appointed Surgeon-General and Inspector.

1792. Ceased to lecture, being over- worked and in very uncertain

health.
„ Began printing his work on the Blood and Inflammation.

1793. Oct. 16. Sudden death at St. George's Hospital.

Note B 9 to p, 3,

The estimate which may be formed of the father of the
Hunters, from a letter published by Dr. Simmons, 1 is confirmed
by bis portrait in the very interesting collection of Mr, W,

1 Life and Writings of the late William Hunter, 8vo. 1783, p. 5, and see
Ottley's Life of John Hunter, p. 2 ; and an excellent Essay on William
Hunter by Dr. Matthews Duncan, in the Edinburgh Medical Journal, June
1876. William Hunter's character may also be studied in bis Two Intro*
dtictory Lectures, 4 to. 1784,

NOTES. 39

Hunter Baillie, his great-grandson. One sister of the two
Hunters, Dorothea, was mother of Dr. Matthew Baillie and
Miss Joanna and Miss Agnes Baillie. The eldest son, James
Hunter, was with his brother William for some time and died
young; but he had given such evidence of talent as made
William Hunter believe that if he had lived he would have
become the leading physician in London.

Note C, to p. 6.

I am indebted to Messrs. Christie and Manson for the
opportunity of reading the sale-catalogue of Hunter's collec-
tions and library. About 120 pictures were sold for £800.
They were chiefly by old masters, including some of the best ;
and there were several by Hunter's chief contemporaries,
Hogarth, Reynolds, Loutherbourg, ZofFany, and Zuccarelli.
Among them, also, were some medical portraits, including one of
Harvey, by Janssen. The engravings, including a large collec-
tion of Hogarth's, sold for about £140; the 'curiosities'
fetched about £200; and the books, including, I think, nothing
significant, about £160. The proceeds of the four days' sale, in
January and February 1794, amounted to nearly £1,300. Mr.
Taylor, who was so good as to show me the catalogue, thought
that a similar collection would sell now for £10,000.

It is hard to say whether Hunter's love of collecting pic-
tures was connected with any real taste for the fine arts. I
think it was ; and that in this was the only instance of his
studying anything but science. Mr. Rumsey, the best reporter
of his lectures, says : * ' It has been said of Mr. John Hunter
that he had a great dislike to works of imagination, his long
study of matters of fact having rendered every other species of
writing disagreeable to him.'

He had strong convictions on politics ; but, if what is said
at page 13 on the relation between knowledge and convictions
be true, he may not have studied them. There is a letter of
his in which he writes about his museum : ' If your friend
is in London in October (and not a Democrate), he is welcomb

1 Life and Character of Thomas Bateman. Lou do^fc 1826, p. 89.

4o THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

to see it ; but I would rather see it in a blaze, like the Bastile,
than show it to a Democrats, let his country be what it may.'
And among the notes in the * Essays and Observations, 91 he
says: 'All innovations on established systems that depend
more on a belief than real knowledge (such as religion), arise
rather from a weakness of mind than a fault in the system.
Everything new carries a greater weight with it, and makes a
deeper impression on a weak mind. 9

Note />, to p. 8.

A ' Life of John Hunter' was published by Mr. Jesse Foot, 2
who had endeavoured to be his rival in practice, and failed. He
took the part of Devil's advocate, and wrote with as much spite
as even his client could have wished ; depreciating as much as
he could all that the Hunters did, and ascribing to bad motives
all the good work that he could not deny. But the worst that
one can fairly suspect, from the worst that he says or hints, is
that John Hunter had a very keen love of scientific reputation,
and that sometimes the provocation of controversy quickened
his work and his publication of what he had done. This is,
indeed, sometimes apparent in his writings; 8 but his desire for
reputation is of a kind which rather indicates a doubt in his
own mind as to whether he had any ; and Jesse Foot's sugges-
tion, that he worked at science only or chiefly that he might
attract attention and get into practice as a surgeon, is too
absurd. All the evidence tends the other way, and shows his
earnest desire to live by surgery for science.

Note E, to pp. 10, 11.

Hunter's great industry impressed all who knew him, and
is recorded by all who have written of him. 4 Even Jesse Foot
says : 6 6 Perhaps there cannot be found his equal who so com-
pletely filled up time in active industry.' Of the quantity

1 Vol. i. p. 267. * London, 8vo. 1794.

* Ae in his Lectures, Work*, vol. i. 208-10. On the Blood, Inflammation,
$c, Works, vol. iii. p. 2.

4 Especially by Home in Life, pp. xviii. xx'.i. Ottley in Life, pp. 54-5, &c.
Thornae, Hnnteriaa Oration, 1827. Lawrence, Hunterian Oration, 1846,
p. 62. s Life, p. 239.

MOTES. 41

of manuscripts left, Mr. Clift says : li There were, I should
calculate, nearly, if not quite, a hundred volumes of folio MS,
in forrel binding ; of course not all equally filled. We always

wrote on the left-hand page only Besides these folios

there were a very large number of smaller cases and memoirs
in quarto, stitched. 9 Among these, probably, the manuscripts
of Hunter's published as well as unpublished works were in-
cluded. (See further, p. 51.)

It should be remembered, in further evidence of Hunter's
strength of will, that he worked against the hindrances of fre-
quent illness. The account given by Home of all he endured
during the last twenty years of his life is a record of such dis-
tress as would have made an ordinary man utterly idle. In
1759 he had pneumonia, and was obliged to leave London. In
1769 and the following three years he had fits of gout; in
1773 his first attack of angina; in 1776 and 1785 he was
again severely ill; in 1789 he had cerebral disturbance; in
1790 and the following three years were severe attacks of
angina ; and during all this time he was in expectation of
sudden death in some emotion, so that he used to say that
' his life was in the hands of any rascal who chose to annoy and
tease him.' 2

It is believed that Hunter did not begin to collect for his
own museum till after his return from Portugal in 1763, and
that all his previous collecting had been for his brother's
museum, of which Home 3 says that he laid the foundation.
But in the MS. essay on the Pneumobranchiata, in the College-
Library, Hunter says in 1758, of a Mr. Lake, from whom he
obtained some of the specimens described : 4 I bought his whole
collection of things.'

How keen he grew for facts as he grew old, may be seen in
the following letter, written in the last year of his life to some
friend in Africa. It is printed literatim.

Dear Sir, — I was favoured with your letter of September 31,
informing me of 2 birds called the Habanah being shipped on board
the Bull Dog, but unluckly the birds died on the passage home. 1

1 Lawrence, Htm'eriun Oration, 1846, p. 62.

9 Life, by Ottley, p. 119. 3 Hunterian Oration, 1814, p. 24.

42 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

consider myself as equally obliged to yon for thinking of me and taking
so much trouble. I was sorry at the loss of your insects, after all the
trouble of collecting them, but I hope you will be more suscessfull in
future. I mentioned your proposal to Sir Joseph Banks of having
a gardiner sent out, he told me he had had a letter or letters to that
same purpose from you, therefore I suggested, if it was a scheme he
approved of, he could settle that with you, therefore I dropd it.
There is one thing I wish very much to have settled in Natural
History, which is the Natural History of Swallows; they breed with
us in the summer and leave us in the winter, and it is what becomes of
them in our winter ; now if they are with you in the winter, and if
they should breed with you in that season, it would be a proof that they
are birds of passage, and upon the same principle you should have
many more in the winter than in the summer, as there are four or five
different species in this country in the summer. I should like to have
specimens of those that are with you in the winter. I remember seeing
swallows in Portugal in the winter, but I cannot say what species they
were. It would hardly be possible to get ostrach eggs just going to hatch,
and to crush the shell and put them into proof spirits to preserve them
till they came to England. If a Foal camell was put into a tub of
spirits and sent, I should be glad. Is it possible to get a young tame
lion, or indeed any other beast or Bird ? If camelions were sent it
should be in the spring, as then one could feed them with Flys through
the summer. Are there any cuckews with you ? we have none in the
winter. I want everything respecting the Bee tribe, such as wasps with
their nests, also hornets with theirs. They are a very large tribe. I would
have sent you a paper I wrote on the anatomy of the Bees which was
published in the Philosophical Transactions, but upon enquiry I found
that it would cost you more than it is worth. I am a subscriber to
the African Society, but I have not heard of the cachuna things, &c,
but as I cannot always attend, they may have come without my
knowing it. I consider myself very much obliged to you for your
attention to me, and I wish I knew how I could return it, which would
give me pleasure. I hope you keep your health well.

I am, dear Sir,
Your much obliged and humble servant,
January 15* A, 1793. John Hunter.

Hunter's want of ostrich's eggs for the study of the embryo
is referred to by him in his manuscript 4 On the Progress and
Peculiarities of the Chick,' quoted in the Oration. 1 He says :

1 Essays and Observations, vol. i. p. 205, e. 8.

NOTES. 43

' I attempted the [eggs of the] swan, but it was impossible to
procure such numbers as to give me all the necessary varieties.
I endeavoured to procure ostrich's eggs, by having them sent to
me in spirits : but as the getting such was only a matter of
chance, and only one or two in thirty years ! nothing could be
made out from them. For this purpose then I kept a flock of
geese. 9 ....

It is worth adding that Hunter studied this matter with
great industry for nearly forty years. Abernethy says he began in
1755 ; and in the same manuscript he writes : ' I got eels every
month in the year from the fishmonger, with a view to catch
them in the breeding season ; ' and then : ' Having failed in all my
examinations on this part of the common eel, and being in the
Island of Belleisle in the summer of 1761, where there was a
vast number of Conger eels, I dissected some of them.'

And still in 1793 he writes to Africa for ' Ostrach eggs just
going to hatch.'

Note F, to p. 14.

I am reminded of two instances of similar thinking in men
of similar minds — Socrates and Sir Isaac Newton. Of the first
it is told : ' One morning he was thinking about something
which he could not resolve ; he would not give it up, but con-
tinued thinking from early dawn until noon: then he stood
fixed in thought.' And, after being in thought all day, * there
he stood all night until the following morning ; and with the
return of light he offered up a prayer to the sun, and went his
way.' l And of Newton that, ' absorbed in thought, he would
often sit down on his bed-side after he rose, and remain there
for hours without dressing himself, occupied with some inter-
esting investigation which had fixed his attention. Owing to
the same absence of mind, he neglected to take the requisite
quantity of nourishment, and it was therefore often necessary to
remind him of his meals.' 2

It seems a strange misuse of words to call this * absence of
mind ; ' for if the mind be in these long times engaged in con-

1 The Dialogues of Plato, by Jowett, vol. ii. p. 71.
*Life of Sir Isaac Newton, by Sir David Brewster, 12mo. 1831, p. 341.

44 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

tinuous thought, it is eminently not absent, but present, self-
determining, self-keeping. The power of thus thinking stead-
fastly and long, without the help of external objects, seems to
be one of the highest results of the constant exercise of will in
acts of attention. We can easily observe in ourselves the oppo-
site habit of mind in the hours we spend in discursive useless
thinking. We can trace the results of defective will in this
and in the crowd of things daily seen, but, through want of
attention, not observed, and in the wandering of thoughts as
soon as they cease to be guided or fixed by the sensible impres-
sion of external objects.

Doubtless the power of long-continuous, steadfast thinking
may be exercised automatically, and without any felt intention
of the will in guidance or restraint ; but, if this be so, it is an
instance of that highest automatism in which acts which at first
require the strongest efforts of will become, with long and
careful practice, easy, and at last are habitually and almost
unconsciously done better than at first they were done with
great and attentive effort. I say almost unconsciously, for
there is a consciousness of pleasure in such thinking. As Mr.
Cline said of Hunter, ' He has often told me his delight was to
think.'

In this view of such men as Socrates, Newton, and Hunter,
we may reconcile Mr. Galton's l description of genius — ' The
automatic activity of the mind, as distinguished from the effort
of the will ' — with Mr. Carlyle's, 2 ' Genius (which means
transcendent capacity of taking trouble, first of all'). In
meanings thus combined : Hunter may be called a man with
genius.

NoteG, top. 19.

It cannot but greatly enhance our wonder at Hunter's
power in science, when we think how little it was aided by
education or any use of literature. Abernethy and many
others tell of his difficulty in finding words for expressing his
thoughts ; and it is only too evident in his writings. But, of
course, the same mental defect must have made it very difficult

1 Men of Science, p. 233. 3 History of Frederick the Great, vol. i. p. 415.

NOTES. 45

for him to learn the thoughts of others. It was, therefore, not
through mere affectation or contempt that he always professed
himself averse from reading. He doubtless found in obser-
vation and thought a far more easy method of learning.

His defects of language may best be seen in his notes in the
* Essays and Observations,' especially in those which Mr. Owen
has arranged as ' Psychological,' or in some of his letters to
Jenner in Ottley's ' Life.' In the works published during his
life I believe that he always had literary assistance. 1 I do not
suppose that anyone helped him in thinking, or in the general
manner of expressing his thoughts ; for in all his books and
manuscripts there is a similar rugged style, which is entirely
characteristic of him, and is clear enough when he is dealing
with things he could observe. But he always needed help in
spelling, and in words for scientific arrangements. I have never
seen an autograph letter by him in which either the grammar
or the spelling is correct ; that which is printed in pp. 41-2 has
unusually few errors.

His inability to deal with Latin or Greek is shown in a
manuscript literally copied by Mr. Clift. In using the terms
with which, Abernethy says, 3 i his friends must have supplied
him,' he wrote ' Pneumobrankes ' for Pneumobranchiata, and
'Monocoilio, Diocoilio, Trecoilio, and Tsetracoilio,' for Mono-
coilia, Dicoilia, &c.

As mere signs of unequal powers of observation, such dif-
ferences in respect of written words and natural structures is
surely very strange. We may be nearly certain that Hunter
was rarely mistaken in observing or remembering the number
or the forms of the cavities in any heart he ever saw. Why
was he wrong in observing or remembering the letters in the
words with which he wrote about hearts, and which had been
supplied to him for the expression of facts noted by himself?
Whatever may be the explanation, it must, I repeat, greatly
enhance our admiration of his power in dealing with facts, when
we see how little help he drew from words.

1 For one instance, see Ottley's Life, p. 101.
9 Physiological Lectures, 1822, p. 220.

46 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

Jesse Foot says 1 that Smollett, when he was editor of the
Critical Review, helped the Hunters in the controversies
conducted in his journal ; and he adds : ' To say the truth, they
could not have selected, out of every circle of authorship upon
the face of the earth, a more bitter or clever fellow, not only
for consolidating their ideas, but also for conducting them forth
to the public'

Perry, of the Morning Chronicle, was also a friend of both
the Hunters, and wrote in high praise of them in the European
Magazine, of which he was editor in 1782.* And though
Hunter read very little, and was rather too fond of saying so
and of scoffing at literature, 3 yet it is evident that he was not
ill-informed on the works of others, for he never appears as
spending time in ascertaining facts that were generally known.

Note H, to p. 1 9.

It is rather from his general method of using the hypothesis
of a vital principle, than from any distinct statement of it, that
I am led to believe that Hunter would have adopted the clear
words of Mr, Green, The ambiguity of Hunter's expressions
may be seen not only in his calling the same thing a principle
and materia, but in any of his writings. 4

I think that the clearest statement of his doctrine by any
of his own pupils is that by Chevalier (Hunterian Oration,

1821).

Abernethy went far beyond Hunter in holding life to be not
in any sense or degree a property of organised matter, but a
distinct, subtle, and mobile fluid like, if not the same as, elec-
tricity was supposed to be. Lawrence, his old pupil, adopting
the views of Bichat, opposed all this and ridiculed it. Thence
arose a controversy between and around them which had all the

1 Life of John Hunter, p. 61.
8 Abernethy, Physiological Lectures, 1822, p. 201.
8 Ibid. p. 344, and Life by Ottley, p. 14.

4 For examples, in the Essays and Observations, vol. i. pp. 113-118, 128
204, &c. Lectures in Works, vol. i. pp. 219, 221, e. s.

NOTES. 47

attractions of being personal, keen-witted, and interminable,
and of letting one side be charged with irreligion, the other
with hindrance of the truth. It served the good purpose of
keeping Hunter's works before men's minds ; and though only
doctrine was discussed, facts could not be quite lost sight of.
The opponent doctrines appeared in the foreground ; all could
talk and some could think about them ; but the talking and
the thinking alike made the Hunterian surgery prominent and
popular. They who scoffed at his doctrine seemed to have held
themselves, more than others, bound to be profuse in their praise
of his observations and his influence in surgery. 1

Hunter's holding of a vital principle was an epoch-making
event in the long history of doctrines concerning life, especially
because it came in strong contrast with the teachings of
Cullen, which had lately had great weight. In that long history
we can trace a strong likeness in the successive arguments on
each side : the words change in agreement with the advance of
knowledge of facts, but the things contended for and the
method of contention are very like ; often, sides seem to be
taken in accordance with the temper as much as with the
intellectual character of the disputants ; and the advances
towards evident truth seem very small in proportion to the
mental forces engaged.

The question to be determined is so high above mere matters
of fact, that a century of observation seems hardly enough to
diminish the distance ; and, as great heights must be reached
by zig-zag, so one sees an almost periodic swinging of general
belief this way and that. Indeed, the tendency towards a pre-
dominance of each side in succession is so marked, that one
may venture to expect soon a general opinion in favour
of 'Life' as a 6 power anterior in the order of thought to
organisation.'

Note J, to p. 24.

A sentence of Haller's indicates that Hunter may be counted
as really the first founder of a school of surgery : * In Chi/rur-

1 See especially an article in the Edinburgh Review, 1814.

4 S THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

gici8 9 nescio quomodo factum est, ut vix wiquam perinde ut
in aliis medicines partibus magnus aliquis vir ernvmieriU qui
late posteroa sequaces habueriV l But it would not be fair to
omit William Hunter in the history of the advance of surgeons ;
for before he was a physician he was the first surgeon uncon-
nected with a hospital who lectured on anatomy and surgery,
and in his lectures he very far surpassed all the physicians and
other surgeons of his time.

The influence of John Hunter as the founder of a school of
surgery may be studied in a comparison of the works of surgeons
of nearly similar characters, and holding the same positions, be-
fore and after him : as of Pott and Abernethy, Samuel Sharp and
Astley Cooper, Bromfeild and Home. The regular progress of
surgery in the time between them may explain much of the
contrast, but the influence of Hunter seems to me greater than
all else besides.

I have not had time for a sufficient study of the works
of foreign surgeons contemporary with Hunter to justify me
in attempting particular comparisons with him; but cer-
tainly there was not one who studied surgery with the same
scientific mind and plan, or who had so great influence on his
successors, as Hunter had. There was not one whose works do
not take their place naturally, and without marked prominence,
in the gradual ascent of improvement in surgical knowledge —
not one whose works mark an epoch.

Note J, to p. 26.

Even Abernethy cannot speak well of Hunter's power of
teaching: ' With all his genius, knowledge, and reflection, Mr.
Hunter was not, however, a brilliant character amongst us. He
had not the happy talent of displaying the stores of his mind,
nor of communicating to others the same perception of
the importance of his facts and opinions as he himself
entertained ;' and ' he actually wearied his audience by
the number of facts he recorded, and the minuteness and

1 Hnller, Bibliotheca Chirtirgica, 1775, T. ii. p. 1.

.VOTES. 49

accuracy with which he detailed them.' 1 Others tell of his
language being ' inelegant and often coarse ;' ' his delivery heavy
and unengaging ;' his method confused with attempts to find
words for his thoughts, or else to read from little scraps of
paper. His class appears to have varied from twenty to fifty,
but it included, I think, nearly everyone who in the generation
after him had any great reputation in surgery in this country ;
and however dull and confused his lectures may have been in
delivery, the numerous copies of them that remain show that
they were reducible to order and sufficient clearness.

Abernethy's expression justifies the belief that Hunter was
not clear or impressive in his usual method of speaking on
scientific subjects. If it were so — and certainly it is highly
probable — we may better understand his having so little influence
on those to whom he was in the habit of showing, and probably
of describing, his museum on certain evenings in the autumn
and spring.

He does not anywhere show any power of making knowledge
easy, and, especially, he had no skill in arrangement. His
comparative anatomy was studied, and his museum was arranged,
not upon a zoological system (though he seems to have wished
to construct one), but as for illustrating biology: a higher design,
but one of far greater difficulty to students. As Abernethy says :
' Mr. Hunter knew nothing of systems.' ' He studied com-
parative anatomy for physiology, and hence made his arrange-
ment. 9 *

Note K, to p. 26.

The statement that, at Hunter's death, there was not one of
his pupils who could continue his work in physiology or com-
plete his catalogues, may seem to need support. Jenner, it may
be said, could have done it ; and among all the pupils it was
he whom Hunter would have had for his colleague if he had
been able to carry out his ' scheme to teach natural history, in

1 Physiological Lectures, 1821, p. 18, and 1822, p. 306.
9 Ibid., ed. 1822, p. 58.

£

50 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

which will be included anatomy, both human and comparative.' 1
But, long before Hunter died, Jenner's mind was fully and well
occupied in the promotion of vaccination. Hunter had made
him a naturalist, not, I think, a physiologist ; and with the habits
of a naturalist he observed and studied, with a rare tenacity
of purpose, the facts which led him to the great life-saving
discovery. And, by the way, it must seem strange that Hunter
took no interest in vaccination. He must often have heard of
it from Jenner, who was constantly studying it from 1780
onwards, and who gave him a sketch of the vaccine vesicle,
which he marked with his own hand. Yet he never studied it,
nor discerned any of its vast importance in pathology, to say
nothing of its utility.

Of Hunter's other pupils all were devoted to surgery, and,
of the few who personally studied any comparative anatomy or
physiology, only one passed beyond the outlines, or in any fair
sense devoted himself to the study. Abernethy, Astley Cooper,
Carlisle, Macartney, and some few more studied fragments, but
their hearts were in surgery and its pathology. It may indeed
be doubted whether any of them, except Abernethy, could have
trained himself into the largeness of knowledge at that time
requisite for the complete understanding of Hunter's work.
Certainly not one of them tried.

The one who actively studied comparative anatomy was Sir
Everard Home, Hunter's brother-in-law, assistant, and executor,
and one of the founders of the Oration. Legally and naturally,
when Hunter died, his museum, manuscripts, and ' everything'
came into Home's charge, and for a time he did his best for them.
Chiefly through his influence and urgency they were purchased
by Government in 1799 for £15,000; partly in pity for Mrs.
Hunter and her two children, and partly with a belief that they
had real scientific value. They were committed into the charge
of the College of Surgeons ; and then it was of course supposed
that, as he promised, Home, a member of the Council, would
write catalogues and take care that the museum should be made

1 Letter to Jenner in Ottley's Life, p. 56. This was in 1775. Was ever
scientific enterprise more premature than this P

NOTES. 51

to illustrate the vast knowledge which he had seen Hunter
accumulating. But Home became busy in practice, a leading
surgeon, a leader in scientific society, ambitious for a great
scientific reputation. And then as he grew old he became, I
believe, the subject of one of those forms of senile degeneration
in morality against which all men growing old need to guard*
He stole from the Hunterian manuscripts, and then burnt them,
after publishing many of Hunter's observations as his own.
His plea that Hunter had desired him to destroy them is quite
incredible; they were the very materials with which Hunter
had hoped to complete the labour of his life, and if he had
wished them to be destroyed Home would not first have kept
them for thirty years.

But there is a glow of light over this dark story.

William Clift, a Cornish lad of seventeen, with a natural taste
for drawing, came to live with Hunter twenty months before
his death, and, in exchange for the privileges of apprenticeship,
was to write and make drawings, to dissect and take part in the
charge of the museum. At Hunter's death in poverty, Clift
alone remained in personal charge of the museum and all the
papers and drawings connected with it ; and for six years he
watched them, ' living,' as he says, ' with seven shillings a week
at a time when the quartern loaf was, for a short period, two
shillings,' and only helped occasionally with some spirit to repair
the waste in the preparation-bottles. But his love for Hunter
seems to have gathered strength in contemplation of the
grandeur of his work, and his sense of duty gathered strength
in the consciousness of sole responsibility. For duty and for
love the Hunterian manuscripts were his constant study — 'I
had, I may say, no other books to read at that time,' 1 — and he
copied volumes of them, and thus saved a great part of all that
Home intended to destroy utterly.

It is not possible to tell how many, or on what subjects, were
the manuscripts which, in spite of Mr. Clift's devotion, are lost
to us. He hoped that he had saved nearly half of alj that
Hunter left ; but certainly some, and perhaps many, of those

1 Hunter, Essays and Observations, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 493,

B 3

52 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

which he did not copy were the manuscripts of published works.
The notes of the lectures are gone, but their place is probably
well filled by the numerous copies of notes made by pupils.
And some ' Observations on Surgery' are lost ; but, on the whole,
J think that nearly all that was of great value was saved
through Clift's fidelity.

All that was most important in the manuscripts is now pub-
lished; the greater part by Mr. Owen in the ' Essays and
Observations ' and in his ' Physiological Catalogue ' of the
College Museum. Whatever related in any way to the
Hunterian specimens of morbid anatomy is printed in my
* Pathological Catalogue. 5

Neither Owen nor I will ever forget the evident happiness
with which Clift watched the progress of the Catalogues, in
which he saw the labours of his hard early life used as he
believed that Hunter would have wished. He lived to see them
finished, and to see the museum which, as the first conservator,
he cherished for fifty years, transmitted to the care of his
distinguished successor and son-in-law; he saw it enriched,
enlarged, and worthily displayed and illustrated.

Note i, to p. 29.

It seems impertinent to compel the surgical reputations of
Hunter and his most distinguished contemporaries to a compe-
titive examination ; yet something of this kind is necessary for
a right understanding of his influence in surgery.

The four with whom he may best be compared are Chesel-
den, Samuel Sharp, Bromfeild, and Percivall Pott. If others did
deserve comparison, they have left too few records for us now to
judge of them. 1

Cheselden was admirable as an anatomist, clear and artistic ;
and as an operator unrivalled in his time. His improvement of
lithotomy was one of the greatest steps ever made in operative

1 1 have compared Hunter with only English surgeons ; and for the
purpose I have in view this may suffice. Neither French nor German
surgeons affected surgery in the same manner as Hunter did. Some of them
were excellent clinical surgeons, but with as little scientific spirit as their
contem poraries in England.

NOTES. 53

surgery. In this part of surgery I believe that Hunter did not
come near to equality with him ; in all else he must have been
equal or far superior. How much Hunter may have learned
from Cheselden is quite uncertain ; for when he became his pupil
Cheselden had retired to Chelsea Hospital, and there are, I
think, no records of the work done there.

Samuel Sharp, a pupil of Cheselden, whom William Hunter
succeeded as a teacher of surgery, and from whom John Hunter
may have learned by tradition and study of his books, must have
been a thoroughly well-informed surgeon ; well read, observant,
judicious, a lover of simplicity, wisely doubtful. I think, too,
that he must have been an eminently safe man, who might be
relied on for knowing or doing whatever, in his time, could be
known or done for the good of his patients. In this view I believe
he was as good a surgeon as Hunter ; but there is nothing in his
books that can justly be called pathology ; nor any sign of a
really scientific method of study. They contain the ' practice '
not the i principles * of surgery ; l but there is at least one sen-
tence that deserves often quoting. He is discussing the utility of
4 the bark ' in the treatment of gangrene, and doubting (very
rightly, as we now know) whether it deserved its then great repu-
tation, and he says: ' Perhaps it may seem strange thus to
dispute a doctrine established on what is called Matter of Fact,
but I shall here observe that in the Practice of Physic and Sur-
gery it is often exceedingly difficult to ascertain a Fact.' a

Bromfeild, 3 who was a colleague of Hunter's at St. George's,
may well be compared with him. More than any other English
surgeon of the time, except Hunter, he might be counted as a
' scientific surgeon ;' for he was a good descriptive anatomist (he
has even a piece of comparative anatomy), 4 and whenever he
could he tried to make surgery fit into such physiology as
was prevalent in the schools. But he writes of * acrid juices,*

1 The chief of them are A Critical Enquiry into the Present State of
Surgery, London, 8vo. 1750 ; and a Treatise on the Operations of Surgery,
London, 8vo. 1751 (6th Edition).

8 Critical Enquiry, pp. 255-6.

8 In his Chirurgical Observations and Cases t London, 2 vols. 8vo. 1773.

* In vol. ii. p. 42.

^0W

54 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

4 acicular particles,' and the like mere fancies of the physiolo-
gists of his time ; and he thus makes Hunter appear immeasur-
ably pre-eminent, not only in his knowledge of facts, but in his
caution lest the study of surgery should be restrained or misled
by doctrines in physiology. If anyone would see what progress
Hunter gained for scientific surgery, let him compare his writings
on Inflammation with those of Bromfeild. Even in practical
surgery I cannot doubt that Hunter was the better of the two.

But I have as little doubt that Percivall Pott was the best
practical surgeon of the time. I think it certain that he was
the best in this country ; I believe he was the best in Europe.
This is implied, in several of the earlier Hunterian Orations,
by those who knew him and had seen his practice, and it is
clear in the study of his works. He scarcely treats of the
principles of surgery; he has no physiology, little of what
can fairly be called pathology; but his clinical teaching is
admirable. 1 If we compare his writings and Hunter's on the
subjects on which both wrote, as hernia, injuries of the head, —
fractures, dislocations, — Pott not only is much clearer and fuller
in description, giving evidence of larger reading and larger
experience, but appears to have had a fuller view of the work
to be done in diagnosis of different injuries and their several
consequences. He shows also more knowledge of the course of
events after injuries, and of what may be achieved by treat-
ment. Moreover, the improvements which he made in practical
surgery were equal in value to those which were directly due to
Hunter. I say 4 directly,' for the improvements which may be
traced to Hunter's teaching are more than can now be told.

It is no wonder if, with all this skill, with fluency of speech
and purity of style in writing, with a gentle temper and the
manners of a well-educated gentleman, Pott was, to the end of
his old age, the leader among the surgeons of his time in
England. But this should not lower our estimate of Hunter's
intellectual power. Rather we may marvel that he was so good
a practical surgeon as to be for many years second to none but

1 In the Library of St. Bartholomew's Hospital is a MS. of notes of
Pott's Lectures, a course of thirty-five, which may be instructively com-
pared with Hunter's.

NOTES. 55

Pott, and, after Pott's death, first among all of his time. The
marvel is the greater, because in the early part of his career his
surgical education was very deficient. His winters were spent
in studying or teaching anatomy ; it was only in the summers
that, as an ordinary pupil, he could * walk the Hospitals ;' he
was for one or two summers at Chelsea Hospital, where the
practice among invalided soldiers must have been restricted ; for
one summer at St. Bartholomew's ; he was House Surgeon at
St. George's, after an uncertain time of study there, for only
five months. 1 For the next five years, while he was teaching
anatomy, there is no evidence of any regular study of surgery,
though we may believe that he gathered knowledge of it when and
as he could. In 1761, when he joined the army, he found and
used opportunities enough, and still more when he became sur-
geon to St. George's in 1768. But, whatever his opportunities
may have been, we may doubt whether so much as one-fourth of
his time or mental power was given to practical surgery. His
success, therefore, may be counted as among the surest evidences
not only of enormous intellect, but of very rare and various
practical ability, and of a singular versatility, such as his
published works might not show.

It was happy for his influence on surgery that this was so ;
failure in practice would have cast discredit on his principles,
however true they might have been, and would have deferred
their adoption for at least one generation.

Note M, to p. 29.

I have often felt ashamed at not being able or willing to
endeavour to enumerate the several discoveries we owe to Hunter.
The difficulty is too great for me, because, to do such work
fully and honestly, one should read not only all Hunter's works
again, but those of his contemporaries, both at home and abroad.
Anyone wishing to undertake the work may estimate its extent
from Kriiger's 4 Synchronistische Tabellen zur Geschichte der
Medicin' (Berlin 1840), and Haller's 'Bibliotheca Chirurgica.*
The best summaries, but most of them needing revision during

1 May to September 1756. Jesse Foot's Life, p. 75.

J6 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

and after large study of the works of Hunter's contemporaries
and predecessors, may be found in Ottley's 4 Life of Hunter ; '
Abernethy's 'Introductory Lectures,' 1814-15, Ed. 1823, p. 75;
Arnott's * Hunterian Oration,' 1843 ; Owen in ' Hunter's Works,'
vol. iv., and ' Essays and Observations,' vols. i. and ii. ; Buckle's
'History of Civilisation in England,' vol. ii. 1861.

Note N, to p. 33.

Assalini does not clearly tell what became of the aneurism
in Spezzani's case. 1 The leg was threatened with gangrene, and
he says that after the ligature of the femoral, ' vide con somma
sua sorpresa e con soddisfazione degli astanti ravvivarsi le
parti, detergersi l'ulceri, e la gamba ; ' and again, speaking of
Spezzani's operation, ' ma fu a caso ne seppe tirar partito del
successo inaspettato della sua operazione.' To speak of success
may imply that the aneurism was cured, but I have not been
able to find any works of Spezzani ; and it is strange that
Scarpa does not mention the case in any of his works on
aneurisms, even though he quotes the very part of Assalini's
Manual in which it is contained, and often speaks of 'the
Hunterian Operation.'

In endeavouring to trace the process by which Hunter
arrived at the invention of his operation for aneurism, it
appears that for many years before the invention he had
defended the older operation against the almost universal objec-
tions to it. Pott and Bromfeild especially were opposed to the
use of the ligature, whether for aneurism or for large arteries
wounded in their course. They preferred amputation, and this
preference appears to have been generally entertained both in
England and abroad. Hunter found himself so unsupported in
his defence of the ligature for aneurism that, in a letter some
years before his invention of his own operation, he speaks of the
older method, that of laying-open the sac and tying the artery
above and below, as his own — ' my operation,' he calls it.

His arguments in favour of the ligature after this older
method, may be found in his lectures. 3 The chief objection

1 Manual* di Chirurgia, Part I. pp. 87, 130. * Work*, vol. i. p. 543,

NOTES. 57

raised was, that the circulation could not be carried on by
anastomosing vessels. 1 Hunter knew that it could be ; he had
seen in a patient with aneurism both the femoral and the
profunda obliterated, and yet the limb supplied with blood; 2
and he had often, in injected limbs, dissected the anastomosing
branches connecting the upper and the lower parts of the
arterial trunk. Thus he says : * I believe we should not be
anxious about the collateral branches ; I have lost several
advantages from this mistaken delicacy. I believe the circula-
tion will always go on after the femoral artery is secured by
ligature.' *

So he stuck to his beliefs and to the older operation for
aneurism from 1773, or earlier, to 1785, though I cannot find
that he had a single successful case. Home says that he * re-
peatedly performed the operation,' and speaks of his ' finding
that it in general fails ;' 4 and Hunter himself tells of only two
successes, and neither of these was his own.

His failures, well studied, showed him the way to final great
success. He saw that the failure was often due to the popliteal
artery being diseased above the sac and ulcerating under the
ligature. 'The accident of the artery giving way happened
several times to him.' 5 And when, for the secondary hemorrhage
thus ensuing, he tried to tie the artery higher up in the popliteal
space, he found great difficulty, and still greater if he tried to
* follow it up through the insertion of the triceps muscle.'

Every failure of this kind suggested the tying of the artery
' up higher in the sound parts.' But many objections to this
were urged. To some of them it could be answered that at
least the progress of the disease would be stayed if the sac
were relieved from the force of the circulating blood ; but then
it was objected that the whole arterial system might be and

1 See especially Bromfeild, ChirurgiccU Observations and Cases, vol. i. p.
205, 1773 ; and Hunter's Lectures, in Works, vol. i. p. 547.
9 Home in London Medical Journal, vol. vii. p. 400.

• Lectures, in Works, vol. i. pp. 550-1.

4 Account of Mr. Hunter's Method, in Hunters Works, vol. iii. p. 594.
The first operation is uncivilly criticised by Bromfeild in his Observations,
1773.

* Home, in London Medical Journal, vol. vii. p. 393, 1786.

58 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

generally was diseased, and that the ligature higher up would
therefore fail. To which Hunter answered (whether to himself
or to others) that, as he had found in examinations after death,
the whole arterial system was not in general diseased; if it
were, how could amputation for aneurism escape being fatal ?
But, as amputation did sometimes save life, ' why not tie ' the
artery ' up higher in the sound parts where it is tied in ampu-
tation, and preserve the limb ? ' l

But, again, it was objected that the aneurism and its con-
tents could not safely be left. To which Hunter could answer
that they would be absorbed ; for the absorption of bone and
other solid parts was clear matter-of-fact, and the limits of the
power of absorption were far from being known.

Such, I believe, were the facts and arguments on which
Hunter decided, first, that it was better to tie arteries than to
amputate for aneurisms, and then that the arteries ought to be
tied far above the aneurisms and in hea'thy parts. And the
reason why he decided right, and others wrong, seems to be that
he observed and thought more constantly and carefully than
they did ; his thoughtful scientific mind had a better power
both of observing facts and of estimating their value ; he had
learned better how to trust them ; he had more faith in them.
The facts themselves were, as I have said, facts of the wards
and the dead-house, known, or easily learned, by all surgeons ;
but the scientific mind could weigh them, and dare to act on
them, better than the merely practical mind could.

But in the whole story of the invention nothing is more
remarkable than Hunter's caution. It is enough to prove not
only his singular prudence, but the great difficulty he had in
planning his operation and deciding that it could be safely
undertaken. His Lecture on Aneurisms may be studied as a
model of cautious thinking. And even after he had invented
his operation he went on so cautiously, that we may think he
had groundless fears. First he used four ligatures, each one
less tight than the one below it, because, Assalini says, ' the
blood dashed with such force against the [first] ligature that
there was danger of rupture.' 3 Then, for no apparent reason,

1 Lectures, p. 548. 3 Manuale, p. 86.

NOTES. 59

he tied both artery and vein, and then settled on the plan which
admitted of only one considerable improvement, that, namely,
by Scarpa, who first tied the artery in the triangular space since
called by his name.

The Hunterian operation has had consequences of inesti-
mable value. It encouraged and justified all the means of cure
of aneurisms by compression of the main artery. It was the
beginning of the study of the most important section of the
4 surgery of arteries,' the most intensely interesting depart-
ment of all surgery. It introduced a method of operating in
which all the best qualities of the surgeon find their best
exercise. All these good things may be ascribed to Hunter's
careful study and his reliance upon facts.

He showed the same mind in his practice of transplanting
teeth ; but here, though the scientific principle was right, the
practical difficulties were too great for the art. Hunter had
made many transplantations from one part or one animal to
another ; and, as a climax, he had succeeded in transplanting a
human tooth into a cock's comb, in which it held firm and
acquired union by blood-vessels. He could be sure then that
teeth had c the vital principle ; M therefore good teeth taken from
one person's mouth might be transplanted into the sockets out
of which bad teeth had just been taken from another's mouth.
And, as a scientific fact, this was so sure, and so interesting,
that Hunter was a long time before he could or would see
that there were often insuperable practical difficulties in
finding teeth with exactly similar fangs, and givers and takers
in good health, and that the buying and selling part of the
practice was cruel and disgusting. The whole story of the
practice as told in his work on the Teeth, 2 and his very fair
comments on it, 1 are instructive illustrations of his scientific
faith in facts and of his matchless perseverance.

1 The MS. of the Treatise on the Teeth, in the College-Library, has the
passage on the vital principle in the teeth as an addition in Hunter's hand-
writing, as if it were an afterthought, or as if he would correct the error
that might arise from speaking of them as extraneous to the circulation.
1 Works, vol. ii. p. 55, e. s. * Ibid. p. 473.

60 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

Note 0, to p. 35.

I have found mention of only three whose expressions con-
cerning Hunter indicated great personal regard : Jenner, Wm.
Bell, and Clift.

Jenner lived with him as a pupil for two years, and
Hunter's letters in Ottley's * Life ' show that they remained in
the most friendly intimacy. Dr. Baron says :* ' It was a truly
interesting thing to hear Dr. Jenner, in the evening of his days,
descanting, with all the fervour of youthful friendship and
attachment, on the commanding and engaging peculiarities of
Mr. Hunter's mind. He generally called him the " dear man,"
and . • . described the honesty and warmth of his heart.'
William Bell lived with Hunter for fourteen years as artist,
amanuensis, curator ; and Clift tells of him, ' he absolutely
idolised Mr. Hunter. 3

Clift, of whose work in copying the manuscripts I have already
spoken (p. 51), lived with Hunter in the last eighteen months
of his life, and had not only profound respect, but an affectionate
regard for him, and served him with a very rare devotion. He
was always jealous of Hunter's honour, and denied or palliated
everything that could be told against him. He often assured
me that the stories about Hunter's being coarse and vulgar were
untrue, or at least grossly exaggerated.

Among Hunter's other pupils none but Sir Everard Home
and Mr. Abernethy appears to have been intimate with him,
and it is chiefly from their writings that I have drawn my
sketch of his personal character. Some notes may be added to it.
Abernethy, who of all his pupils was best able to appreciate him
and his works, calls him ' a fohrewd man, aye and a benevolent
man too ; ' and says, ' he had a great deal of drollery in his
composition.' He speaks also of ' the zeal with which he
assisted every poor man of merit,' of his candour and patience,
and says he was * humble-minded,' and c a man of very con-
siderable humour.' *

1 Life of Edward Jenner, vol. i. p. 124.

3 See letter in the Notes to Lawrence's Hunterian Oratien, 1846,
p. 61. It may be read, also, for the correction of very probable errors in
Ottley's Life. • Hunterian Oration, 1819.

NOTES. 6 1

In their Hunterian Orations Sir Anthony Carlisle l speaks
of his 4 moral pride, his honour, and his justice ;' Mr. Chevalier *
of his c philanthropy, public spirit, and liberality in science ; *
Mr. Norris 3 calls him 4 kind-hearted, generous, and amiable.'

Abernethy gives stories of his quick, vehement temper and
violence of language ; and Ottley's 'Life' contains so many, that
though Abernethy and Clift might palliate them, and though
they are all of that class of stories whose strength increases
with age and repetition, yet it cannot be doubted that Hunter
was very hasty, passionate, and sometimes unbridled in his
speech. But of his gentler emotions, of which Home speaks, 4
he himself incidentally gives instances : 4 The mind is often
in opposition to itself. .... I went to see Mrs. Siddons's
acting. I had a full conviction that I should be very much
affected ; but, unfortunately, I had not put a handkerchief in my
pocket ; and the distress I was in for the want of that requisite
when one is a crying, and a kind of fear I should cry, stopped
up every tear, and I was even ashamed I did not, nor could not
cry. 6 And * When I had the spasm in my heart upon the
smallest exertion of the body, as in walking up a small ascent,
or upon the least anxiety about an event, such as bees swarming,
yet I could tell a story that called up the finer feelings, which
I could not tell without crying, obliging me to stop several
times in the narration ; yet the spasm did not in the least take
place.' 6

There are many evidences of Hunter's sensitiveness about his
reputation in science, 7 and he sometimes wrote angrily as if a
small loss would have ruined it ; yet I think that in this respect,
and generally in his controversies, he was less sensitive and less
bitter than was customary in his time. And certainly in vehe-
mence and love of controversy he fell short of his brother, who
says : ' It is remarkable that there is scarce a considerable cha-
racter in anatomy that is not connected with some warm con-
troversy. Anatomists have ever been engaged in contention.

1 Oration, 1820. * Oration, 1821.

* Oration, 1825. * Life, p. lvi.

6 Essays and Observations, vol. i. p. 257. e Ibid ,p. 266.

T As in his Lectures, in Works, vol. i. pp. 208-210, imd Works, vol. iii. p. 2.

62 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

And indeed, if a man has not such a degree of enthusiasm and
love of the art as will make him impatient of unreasonable
opposition, and of encroachments upon his discoveries and
his reputation, he will hardly become considerable in anatomy
or any other branch of natural knowledge. 91

William Hunter acted on these principles all his life. John
did not; and on many occasions must have exercised great self-
restraint. His treatise on the Venereal Disease was, by several
writers, vehemently attacked, 3 but I think he left them all
unanswered.

One cannot doubt that Hunter was a very good-hearted man,
but, whether for want of time or want of care, he did not make
friends. He was uncouth, vehement, unready to conform to
the customs of his profession, and in this sense at least un-
sociable, and therefore unpopular. Still, it cannot fairly be said
(as it commonly is of great men) that during his lifetime he
was ill-used or regarded with dislike or disrespect.

It is easy to find opposition of statements concerning him.
Jenner, in the grand style which he sometimes assumed, says : 3
* And as for flame, wliat is it ? a gilded butt for ever pierced with
the arrows of malignancy. The name of John Hunter stamps
this observation with the signature of truth.' But others tell
that, at least in the later years of his life, he was accounted the
first among anatomists and surgeons.

Doubtless, the greatness of Hunter's work was not clearly
discerned by his contemporaries. Much of it was too far above
the level of knowledge at the time, and he went far in the
study of subjects which others had hardly begun to think of.
Still it cannot, with any justice, be said that he was distrusted
or made light of.

Among the public, I believe that he was regarded by many
as a very strange man, and his love of collecting was thought a
useless eccentricity. There were not a few of his habits which
may explain these thoughts of him. Most people would even

1 Quoted in Simmons's Life, p. 25.

9 By Clutterbuck, Duncan, Gordon, and others, in pamphlets published
at the time.

9 In the Life, by Dr. Baron, vol. i. p. 155.

NOTES. 63

now regard a scientific man as very strange, who at his house
close by London should keep wild beasts and have a lions' cave,
and should have the front of his house adorned with sculp-
tured lions, small pyramids of shells, and a crocodile's head with
gaping mouth, and should ever drive into London with a pair
of buffaloes in harness.

But he was generally known and admired as a great natu-
ralist; as 'that ingenious gentleman' or 'that celebrated
anatomist,' to whom all manner of strange things were sent.
And this reputation was enhanced when, after 1785, he opened
his museum ' to noblemen and gentlemen in town during the
spring.' l

Among men of science he had great weight. He was elected
into the Royal Society even before his brother, had the Copley
medal, was intimate with all the leaders of his time, and was
referred to on all questions of comparative anat omy and natural
history. And yet as one looks through the works of his contem-
poraries one may be amazed at their having known so little of the
grandeur or even of the mere size and design of his work. The
general ignorance may be judged of from a single instance.
Sir Joseph Banks, the President of the Royal Society, the
leader in science, and an intimate friend of Hunter, wrote in
1796: 'Had I thought my friend John Hunter's collection an
object of importance to the general study of natural history, or
indeed to any branch of science except to that of medicine, I hope
that two years would not have elapsed without my having taken
an active part in recommending to the public the measure of
purchasing it. I was consulted in the first instance by the gentle-
men concerned, who, if I rightly understood them, agreed with
me in thinking that the history of diseases was the only inte-
resting and valuable part, and the natural history was not of
consequence sufficient to be brought forward as an object of
public purchase.' a . . .

When Sir Joseph Banks could thus write of a Museum of
Comparative Anatomy and Physiology, and of Geology, with
which no other at that time extant could be compared, it is not

1 Norris, Hunterian Oration, 1825, p. 31 .

* Letter to Lord Auckland, in Ottley's Life of Hunter, p. 141.

64 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION.

strange that Hunter's work in these sciences is very rarely men-
tioned in any periodical or other works published in this country
during his life, or in the twenty years after his death. He is
rarely referred to as if he had done more than observe a few facts
in comparative anatomy. Abroad, even less was known about his
work. Abernethy says : l ' Even Professor Cuvier has declared
he knew not that there was such a collection as the Hunterian
Museum.' Still, there is no sign that Hunter's highest science
was treated with anything worse than the neglect of ignorance,
and with not a few the ignorance which was negligent in practice
was vehement in talking praise ; for that which most provoked the
rage of Jesse Foot was, that there were so many who, at the
later part of Hunter's life, talked of him as * the first anatomist
and the first surgeon in the world.' *

I think that as a surgeon Hunter was justly estimated.
He was elected to good appointments (see p. 38) long before
he published anything considerable in surgery. In private, like
most of those who have been successful, he at first slowly and
then more quickly rose in favour ; he had a large practice for
about ten years, and the largest in London for five or six. * In
his riper years,' it is said by one of his pupils, he was * appealed
to equally by physicians and surgeons as the final judge upon
all unsettled questions in Pathology,' and, ' as a final referee
among his brethren, no one surpassed him in candour and good
fiuth.'*

He was in the fullest practice when he died, and if he had
lived might have earned a large income for five or six years
more : but, for all that, he would have died poor ; for he was a
free-handed man, 4 careless about money, and nothing would have
changed the noble recklessness with which he pursued know-
ledge and the means of teaching it.

After having studied Hunter's life, and all his defects of
temper and of general culture, of social skill and of all the
arts of pleasing, nothing has seemed clearer than that the power

1 J*9*olopcml latum, 1633, p> *.

* In his Life of Join H*nt*r y p* 11, &e.

* Sir A. Carlisle, JKmferMm Oration, 1820, p. 47.

* Lift, by Ottley pp. 120 1, and by Home, p. Ixvii.

NOTES. 65

of a great intellect, with a strong will and a right aim, is in
the competition of life sufficient and irresistible ; and that
among all the intellects and wills that I have studied not one
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various other useful tables. Eighth
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INDEX.

PAGE

Acton's Modern Cookery 24

Alpine Club Map of Switzerland 20

Alpine Guide (The) 20

A tnos' s Jurisprudence 6

Primer of the Constitution 6

Anderson's Strength of Materials 12

Armitage's Childhood of the English

Nation 4

Armstrong's Organic Chemistry 12

Arnolds (Dr.) Christian Life 17

Lectures on Modern History 2

Miscellaneous Works 7

School Sermons 17

— Sermons 17

(T. ) Manual of English Literature 7

Beowulf 21

Amott's Elements of Physics n

Atelier (The) du Lys 20

Atherstone Priory * 21

Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 8

Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge 9, 23

Bacon's Essays, by Whaiely 6

Life and Letters, by Spedding ... 6

Works 6

Bain's Mental and Moral Science 7

on the Senses and Intellect 7

Emotions and Will 7

Baker's Two Works on Ceylon 19

Balls Guide to the Central Alps 20

Guide to the Western Alps 20

Guide to the Eastern Alps 20

Bancroft's Native Races of the Pacific 3

Barry on Railway Appliances 12

Beaconsfield' s (Lord) Novels and Tales ... 20

Becker's Charicles and Gallus 20

Beesly's Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla 4

Black's Treatise on Brewing 23

Black ley's German-English Dictionary 9

Blaine's Rural Sports 22

Bloxam's Metals 12

Bolland and Lang's Aristotle's Politics 6

Boultbee on 39 Articles 16

Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine . 16

Handbook of Steam Engine 16

Treatise on the Steam Engine ... 15

Improvements in the same 15

Bowdlers Family Shakespeare 21

Brantley-Moore's Six Sisters of the Valleys . 21
Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature,

and Art 13

Brinkley's Astronomy 10

Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles 16

FAGB

Buckle 's History of Civilisation 2

Posthumous Remains 7

Buck ton's Health in the House 14

BulVs Hints to Mothers 23

Maternal Management of Children . 23

Burgomaster's Family (The) 21

Burke's Vicissitudes of Families 5

Cabinet Lawyer 23

Campbells Norway "20

Capes' s Age of the Antonines 4

- Early Roman Empire 4

Cates's Biographical Dictionary 5

and Woodward's Encyclopaedia ... 3

Cayle/s Iliad of Homer 21

Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths ... 8

Chesne/s Indian Polity 2

Modern Military Biography 2

Waterloo Campaign 3

Church 's Sketches of Ottoman History ... x

Colensp on Moabite Stone &c 19

's Pentateuch' and Book of Joshua. 19

Commonplace Philosopher in Town and

Country 8

Comic's Positive Polity 5

Congreve's Politics of Aristotle 6

Conington's Translation of Virgil's iEneid 21

Miscellaneous Writings 8

Contanseau's Two French Dictionaries ... 8
Conybeare and Howson's Life and Epistles

of St. Paul 17

Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit... 8

Cox's (G. W.) Aryan Mythology 3

Athenian Empire 4

Crusades 4

General History of Greece 3

— ^— — — Greeks and Persians 4

— — — — History of Greece 3

Tales of Ancient Greece ... 21

Creighton's Age of Elizabeth 4

Crcsfs Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 16

Critical Essays of a Country Parson 8

Crookes's Anthracen 16

— — Chemical Analyses 14

Dyeing and Calico-printing 16

Cullers Handbook of Telegraphy 15

Curteis's Macedonian Empire 4

Davidson's Introduction to the New Tes-
tament i&

D'Aubigne's Reformation 18

De Caisne and Le Maoufs Botany 14

26 NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS fr CO.

PACK

De Tocaueville's Democracy in America... 5

Dobson on the Ox * 22

Dove's Law of Storms 10

Dowells History of Taxes 6

Doyle's (R.) Fairyland 14

Eastlakis Hints on Household Taste 15

Edwards's Rambles among the Dolomites 20

— ^— Nile 19

Year in Western France 19

Elements of Botany 13

Ellicotfs Commentary on Ephesians 17

Galatians 17

— — Pastoral Epist. 17

— — — — — Philippians, &c. 17

Thessalonians . 17

Lectures on Life of Christ 17

Elsa, a Tale of the Tyrolean Alps 21

Epochs of Ancient History 4

Modern History 4

Evans* (J.) Ancient Stone Implements ... 13

— (A. J.) Bosnia 19

Ewalds History of Israel 18

— — Antiquities of Israel 18

Fairbairris Application of Cast and

Wrought Iron to Building... 16

— — — Information for Engineers 16

— — — Life 4

— — — Treatise on Mills and Millwork 16

Farrar's Chapters on Language 8

— — — - Families of Speech 8

Finlasori s Judicial System 24

Fitxwygram on Horses and Stables 22

Forbes's Two Years in Fiji 19

Framptoris (Bishop) Life 5

Francis's Fishing Book 22

FreshJiekTs Italian Alps 19

Fronde's English in Ireland 2

History of England 2

Short Studies 7

Gair duct's Houses of Lancaster and York 4

Ganot's Elementary Physics 11

Natural Philosophy 11

Gardiner's Buckingham and Charles 2

— Personal Government of Charles I. 2

First Two Stuarts 4

Thirty Years' War 4

Geffcken's Church and State 6

German Home Life 7

Gilbert 6* Churchill's Dolomites 20

Girdlestone's Bible Synonyms 17

Goldzihtr's Hebrew Mythology 17

Goodeve's Mechanics 12

Mechanism 12

Grant's Ethics of Aristotle 6

Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 8

Greville's Journal 2

Griffin's Algebra and Trigonometry 12

Griffith's Behind the Veil 18

Grohman's Tyrol and the Tyrolese 19

Grove (Sir W. R.) on Correlation of Phy-
sical Forces 11

— — (F. C.) The Frosty Caucasus 19

Gunlt's Encyclopaedia of Architecture 15

PAGE

Hale's Fall of the Stuarts 4

Hartley on the Air zo

Hartwigs Aerial World 12

Polar World 12

Sea and its Living Wonders ... 12

— — Subterranean World 13

Tropical World 12

Haughton's Animal Mechanics zi

Haywards Biographical and Critical Essays 5

Heer's Primeval World of Switzerland 13

Heine's Life and Works, by Stigand 4

Heltnholtz on Tone zi

Helmhollz's Scientific Lectures z z

Hetnsley's Trees and Shrubs 14

HerscheV s Outlines of Astronomy zo

Hinchlifs Over the Sea and Far Away ... Z9

Hobson's Amateur Mechanic 15

Hoskold's Engineer's Valuing Assistant ... 15

Howorth's Mongols 3

Hullah's History of Modern Music 13

Transition Period Z3

Hume'sEssays 7

Treatise on Human Nature 7

Ihne's Rome to its Capture 4

History of Rome 3

Indian Alps 19

fngelow's Poems 21

•

Jameson's Legends of the Saints & Martyrs 15

Legends of the Madonna Z5

— ^— Legends of the Monastic Orders Z5

Legends of the Saviour 15

e eniin's Electricity and Magnetism 12

ferrani s Lycidas of Milton 21

Urrolds Life of Napoleon 2

Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 9

r uhes's Types of Genesis 18

on Second Death 18

Kalisch's Commentary on the Bible 17

Keith's Evidence of Prophecy 17

Kerfs Metallurgy, by Crookes and Rohrig. 16

Kirby and Spence's Entomology z 2

Kirktnan's Philosophy 7

Knatchbull - Huges sen's Whispers from

Fairy-Land ... 20

Higgledy-Piggledy 20

Kuenen's Prophets and Prophecy in Israel tj

Landscapes, Churches, &c 8

Latham's English Dictionaries 8

— — Handbook of English Language 8

Lawrence on Rocks 13

Lecky's History of European Morals 3

: Rationalism 3

Leaders of Public Opinion 5

Lefroy's Bermudas 19

Leisure Hours in Town 8

Lessons of Middle Age 8

Lewes' s Biographical History of Philosophy 4

Lewis on Authority 7

NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS 6* CO.

»7

Ltddell and Scott s Greek-English Lexicons 9
Lindley and Moore's Treasury of Botany.. 13, 22

Lloyd's Magnetism n

Wave-Theory of Light n

Longman's (F. W.) Chess Openings 23

■ — German Dictionary ... 9

(W.) Edward the Third 2

— Lectures on History of

England 2

• Old and New St. Paul's 15

Loudon's Encyclopaedia of Agriculture ... 16

Gardening 16

■ Plants 13

Lubbock's Origin of Civilisation 13

Ludlow's American War 4

Lyra Germanica 18

Macaulay's (Lord) Essays 1

History of England ... 1

Lavs of Ancient Rome 14, 21

Life and Letters 4

— Miscellaneous Writings 7

■ ; Speeches 7

— '• Works 1

— Writings, Selections from 7

Mae Coifs Eastern Question 1

McCulloch's Dictionary of Commerce 9

Macleods Economical Ph ilosophy 6

— Theory and Practice of Banking 24

Elements of Banking 24

Mademoiselle Mori 21

Male? s Annals of the Road 22

Marshall 's Physiology 14

Marshman's Life of Havelock 5

Martineau's Christian Life 19

Hours of Thought 19

■ Hymns 18

Maunder' s Biographical Treasury 5, 23

Geographical Treasury 23

— Historical Treasury 23

Scientific and Literary Treasury 23

■ Treasury of Knowledge 9, 23

Treasury of Natural History.. 13, 23

Maxwells Theory of Heat 12

May's History of Democracy 2

« History of England 2

Melville's Digby Grand 21

General Bounce 21

Gladiators 21

Good for Nothing 21

— Holmby House 21

Interpreter 21

— Kate Coventry 21

Queen's Maries 21

Mendelssohn's Letters 4

Merivale's Fall of the Roman Republic ... 3

■ General History of Rome 3

■ Roman Triumvirates 4

■ Romans under the Empire 3

Merrifields Arithmetic and Mensuration... 12

Miles on Horse's Foot and Horse Shoeing 22

on Horse's Teeth and Stables 22

Milin.) on the Mind 6

Dissertations & Discussions 6

Essays on Religion 17

Hamilton's Philosophy 6

■ (J. S.) Liberty 5

- Political Economy 5

Mill (J. S. ) Representative Government ... 5

System of Logic 6

— Unsettled Questions 5

Utilitarianism 5

— Autobiography..... 5

Miller's Elements of Chemistry 14

Inorganic Chemistry 12

Mitchells Manual of Assaying 16

Modern Novelist's Library 21

Monselfs Spiritual Songs 18

Moore's Irish Melodies, Illustrated Edition 15

Lalla Rookh, Illustrated Edition.. 15

Morelfs Mental Philosophy 7

Mozart's Life and Letters 4

Mutter's Chips from a German Workshop. 8

Science of Language 8

Science of Religion 3

Nelson on the Moon 10

New Testament, Illustrated Edition 15

Nicols's Puzzle of Life 13

Northcott's Lathes & Turning 15

O' Conor's Commentary on Hebrews 18

■ : — Romans 18

St. John 18

Osbom's Islam 3

Owen's Comparative Anatomy and Physio-
logy of Vertebrate Animals i 2

Packe's Guide to the Pyrenees 20

Pattison's Casaubon 5

Payen's Industrial Chemistry 15

Pewtner's Comprehensive Specifier 23

Pierce' x Chess Problems 23

Pole's Game of Whist , 23

Preece & Sivewrighfs Telegraphy 12

Present-Day Thoughts 8

Proctor's Astronomical Essays 10

— — Moon 10

Orbs around Us 10

— — Other Worlds than Ours 10

Saturn 10

Scientific Essays (Two Series) ... 12

Sun 10

Transits of Venus 10

Two Star Atlases 10

• Universe 10

Prothero's De Montfort 2

Public Schools Atlas of Ancient Geography 9
Atlas of Modern Geography 9

Rawlinson's Parthia 3

Sassanians 3

Recreations of a Country Parson 8

Redgrave's Dictionary of Artists 14

Reeve's Residence in Vienna and Berlin ... 19

Reilly's Map of Mont Blanc 20

Monte Rosa 20

Reresby's Memoirs 5

Reynardson's Down the Road 2a

2* NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS &* CO.

PAGE

Rich's Dictionary of Antiquities 9

River* 's Rose Amateur's Guide... — . 13

Rogers's Eclipse of Faith. 17

— Defence of Eclipse of Faith ...... 17

— — Essays. 5

Rogefs Thesaurus of English Words and

Phrases 8

Ronalds Fly-Fisher's Entomology ......... 23

Roscoe* s Outlines of Civil Procedure......... 6

Rothschilds Israelites 18

Sandar/s Justinian's Institutes 6

San&e/s Sparta and Thebes 4

SaviU on Apparitions 8

on Primitive Faith 17

Schellen's Spectrum Analysis 10

Scoffs Lectures on the Fine Arts 14

Poems 14

Seaside Musing 8

Seebohnts Oxford Reformers of 1498 3

— — Protestant Revolution 4

Seweffs History of France 2

Passing Thoughts on Religion ... 18

Preparation for Communion 18

Questions of the Day 18

Self-Examination for Confirmation 18

Stories and Tales 21

Thoughts' for the Age 18

Shelley s Workshop Appliances 12

Shorts Church History 3

Smiths (Sydney) Essays 7

Wit and Wisdom 7

(Dr. R. A.) Air and Rain 10

JR. B.) Rome and Carthage 4

Southeys Poetical Works...... 21

Stanleys History of British Birds 13

Stephen 's Ecclesiastical Biography 5

Stonehenge on the Dog 22

— — on the Greyhound 22

Stoney on Strains 16

Stubbs's Early Plantagenets 4

Sunday Afternoons at the Parish Church of

a University City 8

Supernatural Religion 18

Swinboume's Picture Logic 6

Taylor* s History of India 2

Manual of Ancient History 4

■ Manual of Modern History 4

{Jeremy) Works, edited by Eden. 18

Text-Books of Science 12

Thome" s Structural and Physiological Bo-
tany 12, 13

Thomson's Laws of Thought 7

Thorpe's Quantitative Analysis 12

Thorpe and Muir's Qualitative Analysis ... 12

Tilden's Chemical Philosophy 12, 14

PAGE

Todd on Parliamentary Government......... 2

Trench s Realities of Irish Life 7

TroUopc's Barchester Towers.................. 21

— — Warden ............................. 21

Twiss's Law of Nations 6

TyndalTs American Lectures on Light ... n

Diamagnetism n

Fragments of Science............... 11

' Heat a Mode of Motion 11

— — — Lec tur es on Electricity ............ n

— — Lectures on Light n

Lectures on Sound. ix

— — Molecular Physics n

Unawares 21

Unwin's Machine Design 12

lire's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures,

and Mines 16

Vaughans Trident, Crescent, and Cross... 18

Walker on Whist 23

Warburton's Edward the Third 4

Watson's Geometry 12

Watts' s Dictionary of Chemistry 14

Webb's Objects for Common Telescopes ... 10

Weinholds Experimental Physics 11

Wellington's Life, by Gleig 5

Whatel/s English Synonymes 8

— — — Logic 6

— — — Rhetoric 6

White and Riddle's Latin Dictionaries ... 9

Whitworth's Measuring Machine 15

Wilcocks's Sea-Fisherman 22

Williams's Aristotle's Ethics 6

Willich's Popular Tables 24

Woods (J. G.) Bible Animals 12

— — — — Homes without Hands ... 12

Insects at Home 12

• Insects Abroad 12

^— — — — Out of Doors 12

Strange Dwellings 12

(J. T.) Ephesus 19

Woodwards Geology 13

Wyatt's History of Prussia 2

Yong/s English-Greek Lexicons 9

Horace 21

Youatt on the Dog 22

— on the Horse 22

Zeller's Plato 3

Socrates 3

Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics... 3

Zimmem's Life of Schopenhauer 4

MODERN HISTORICAL EPOCHS.

In course of publication, each volume in fop. 8vo. complete in itself,

EPOCHS OF MODEM HISTORY:

A. 8BBIBS OF BOOKS NARRATING THE

HISTORY of ENGLA3TD and EUROPE

At SUCCESSIVE EPOCHS SUBSEQUENT to the CHRISTIAN ERA.

EDITED BT

E. E. MORRIS, M.A. Lincoln Coll. Oxford;
J. S. PHILLPOTTS, B.C.L. New Coll. Oxford; and
C. COLBECK, M.A. Fellow of Trin. Coll. Oxford. .

',This striking collection of little volumes
is a valuable contribution to the litera-
ture of the day, whether for youthful or
more mature readers. As an abridgment
of several important phases of modern
history it has great merit, and some of its
parts display powers and qualities of a high
order. Such writers, indeed, as Professor
Stubbs, Messrs. Wabbubton, Gairdner,
Creighton, and others, could not fail

to give us excellent work. . . . The style
of the series is, as a general rule, correct
and pure ; in the case of Mr. Stubbs it
more than once rises into genuine, simple,
and manly eloquence; and the composi-
tion of some of the volumes displays no
ordinary historical skill. . . . The Series
is and deserves to be popular.'

The Times, Jan. 2, 1877.

Eleven Volumes Now Published :—
The ERA of the PROTESTANT REVOLUTION. By F. Seebohm,

Author of 'The Oxford Reformers— Colet, Erasmus, More.' With 4 Coloured Maps and 12
Diagrams on Wood. Prioe 2s. 6d.

1 Mr. Sbbbohm's Era of the Protestant
Revolution shews an admirable mastery
of a complex subject ; it abounds in sound

and philosophic thought, and as a com-
position it is very well ordered. . . . This
volume, in short, is of the greatest merit/

The Times Jan 2
The CRUSADES. By the Rev. G. W. Cox, M. A. late Scholar of Trinity

College, Oxford ; Author of the ' Aryan Mythology ' &c. With a Coloured Map. Price 2s. 6d.

1 The earliest period, in point of time,
is that of the Crusades, of which we have
a summary from the accomplished pen of
the well-known Author of one of the best

and latest histories of Greece. Mr. Cox's
narrative is flowing and easy, and parts
of his work are extremely good.'

The Times, Jan. 2.

The THIRTY YEARS' WAR, 1618-1648. By Samuel Rawson

Gardiner, late Student of Ch. Ch. ; Author of ' History of England from the Accession of
James I. to the Disgrace of Chief Justice Coke ' &c. With a Coloured Map. Price 2s. 6d.

* The narrative — a singularly perplexing
task — is on the whole remarkably clear,
and the Author gives us a well-written
summary of the causes that led to the

great contest, and of the most striking

incidents that marked its progress. Mr.
Gardiner's judgments, too, are usually
just.... The Author, we should add, is very
skilful in his delineation of historical
characters.' The Times, Jan. 2.

The HOUSES of LANCASTER and YORK; with the CONQUEST and

LOSS of FRANCE. By James Gairdxer, of the Public Record Office ; Editor of ' The Paston
Letters ' &c. With 5 Coloured Maps. Price 2s. 6d.

* Mr. Gairdneb's Epoch, ' Lancaster and the conclusions of the Author are just and
York, is usually correct and sensible, and acccurate.' The Times, Jan. 2.

London, LONGMANS & CO.

[Continued.

T

EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY-.-*-*

EDWARD THE THIRD. By the Rev. W. Warburton, M.A. late

Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford ; Her Majesty's Senior Inspector of Schools. With 3
Coloured Maps and 8 Genealogical Tables. Price 2s. W.

1 This Epoch is a very good one, and is
well worth a studious reader's attention.
Mr. Warbubton has reproduced extremely

well the spirit and genius ef that chivalric
age.' Thb Times, Jan. 2.

The AGE of ELIZABETH. By the Rev. M. Creighton, M.A. late

Fellow and Tutor of Merton College, Oxford. With 6 Maps and 4 Genealogical Tables. 2*. 6<Z.

1 Mr. Creighton has thoroughly mastered
the intricate mysteries of the foreign poli-
tics of the whole period ; and he has
described extremely ably the relations be-

tween this country and the other States
of Europe, and the character of the policy
of the Queen and her counsellors.'

The Times, Jan. 2.

The FALL of the STUARTS; and WESTERN EUROPE from 1678

to 1697. By the Rev. Edward Hale, M.A. Assistant-Master at Eton. With Eleven Maps and
Plans. Price 2s. .6*.

« Mr. Hale has thoroughly grasped the i them in a very effective light.'

great facts of the time, and has placed | The Times, Jan. 2.

The FIRST TWO STUARTS and the PURITAN REVOLUTION,

1898-1660. By Samuel Rawson Gardiner, Author of 'The Thirty Years' War, 1618-1648/
With 4 Coloured Maps. Price 2s. 6d.

'Mr. Gardiner's "First Two Stuarts
and the Puritan Revolution" deserves
more notice than we can bestow upon it.
This is in some respects a very striking

work. Mr. Gardiner's sketch of the time
of James I. brings out much that had
hitherto been little known.'

The Times. Jan. 2.

The WAR of AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 1775-1783. By John

Malcolm Ludlow, Barrister-at-Law. With 4 Coloured Maps. Price 2s. 6d.

'Mr. Ludlow's account of the obscure
annals of what afterwards became the
Thirteen Colonies is learned, judicious,
and full of interest, and his description of

the Bed Indian communities is admirable
for its good feeling and insight. . . . The
volume is characterised by impartiality
and good sense.' The Times, Jan. 2.

The EARLY PLANTAGENETS. By the Rev. W. Stubbs, M.A.

Begins Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford. With 2 coloured Maps.
Price 2s. 6d.

' As a whole, his book is one of rare
excellence. As a comprehensive sketch
of the period it is worthy of very high
commendation. ... As an analyst of
institutions and laws Mr. Stubbs is cer-
taiuly not inferior to Hallam. His nar-
rative, moreover, is, as a rule, excellent,

clear, well put together, and often pic-
turesque ; his language is always forcible
and somotimes eloquent; his power of
condensation is very remarkable, and his
chapter on the contemporaneous state of
Europe is admirable for its breadth and
conciseness.' The Times, Jan. 2.

The AGE of ANNE. By E. E. Morris, M.A. of Lincoln College,

Oxford ; Head Master of the Melbourne Grammar School, Australia ; Original Editor of the
Series. With 7 Maps and Plans. Price 2s. 6d.

Volumes in preparation, in continuation of the Series : —
The NORMANS in EUROPE. By Rev. A. H. Johnson, M.A., Fellow of

All Souls College, Oxford. [Nearly ready.

The BEGINNING of the MIDDLE AGES ; Charles the Great and Alfred;

the History of England in connexion with that of Europe in the Ninth Century. By the Very
Rev. R. W. Church, M.A. Dean of St. Paul's. [In the press.

The EARLY HANOVERIANS. By the Rev. T.' J. Lawrence, B.A.

Warden of Cavendish College, late Fellow and Tutor of Downing College, Cambridge.

The FRENCH REVOLUTION to the BATTLE of WATERLOO, 1789-

1815. By Bertha M. Cordert, Author of * The Struggle Against Absolute Monarchy.'

FREDERICK the GREAT and the SEVEN YEARS' WAR. By F. W.

Longman, of Balliol College, Oxford.

London, LONGMANS & CO.

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